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The Repatriation & Reintegration Dilemma: How states manage the return of foreign terrorist fighters & their families. 遣返和重返社会的困境:国家如何管理外国恐怖主义战斗人员及其家人的返回。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2022-06-24
Haroro J Ingram, Julie Coleman, Austin C Doctor, Devorah Margolin

This study analyzes the interplay of factors which drive states' approaches to the repatriation and reintegration of Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) and their family members. The literature is dominated by descriptive studies of state policies that tend to explain states' failure to repatriate and reintegrate citizens as the result of deference to governments' national security decisions. Our study builds on these foundations to offer the scholarly and policy fields both a framework to explain why governments adopt distinct policy postures, and a means to enable these same actors to engage in more systematic analysis and development of repatriation and reintegration policy. This study argues that a balance of four considerations are crucial for explaining state behavior in this policy context: (i.) the scope of the issue, including the number of citizens considered FTFs or affiliated persons, geographic proximity, and access to the conflict, (ii.) existing legal basis for repatriation and reintegration, (iii.) instrumentalization for institution building, and (iv.) programming strategy for repatriation and reintegration. As a pilot study, this paper applies the framework to assess cases of the United States, the Netherlands, Kosovo, and Iraq. As FTF management issues are not a relic of the recent past but a persistent policy concern that warrants more nuanced and forward-looking attention, this study also considers the continued application of the framework to explore the different ways in which states may balance these four considerations in policy design and practice in the future.

本研究分析了促使各国采取遣返外国恐怖主义战斗人员(FTFs)及其家庭成员并使其重返社会的各种因素之间的相互作用。文献主要是对国家政策的描述性研究,倾向于将国家未能遣返公民并使其重返社会解释为服从政府的国家安全决定的结果。我们的研究在这些基础上为学术界和政策领域提供了一个框架,用以解释各国政府为何采取不同的政策立场,同时也提供了一种方法,使这些参与者能够对遣返和重返社会政策进行更系统的分析和制定。本研究认为,平衡以下四个方面的考虑对于解释这种政策背景下的国家行为至关重要:(i.) 问题的范围,包括被视为 FTFs 或附属人员的公民人数、地理位置的邻近性和冲突的可及性,(ii.) 遣返和重返社会的现有法律依据,(iii.) 机构建设的工具化,以及 (iv.) 遣返和重返社会的规划战略。作为一项试点研究,本文将该框架应用于评估美国、荷兰、科索沃和伊拉克的案例。由于联邦信托基金的管理问题并不是近期的遗留问题,而是一个长期存在的政策问题,需要更加细致和前瞻性的关注,因此本研究还考虑继续应用该框架,探索各国在未来的政策设计和实践中平衡这四个考虑因素的不同方式。
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引用次数: 0
Propaganda in an insecure, unstructured world: How psychological uncertainty and authoritarian attitudes shape the evaluation of right-wing extremist internet propaganda 不安全、非结构化世界中的宣传:心理不确定性和威权态度如何影响对右翼极端主义互联网宣传的评价
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-03-24 DOI: 10.5282/UBM/EPUB.68786
Diana Rieger, L. Frischlich, G. Bente
The amount of uploaded extremist propaganda on the internet is increasing. In particular, right-wing extremist as well as Islamic extremist groups take advantage of the opportunities presented by the internet to spread their ideas to worldwide masses. Both tackle in-group specific topics and address their audiences in their respective political, national or religious identities. Several factors, such as higher levels of authoritarian value orientations and threatening life situations (such as existential threats or psychological uncertainty) have been found to shape people’s reactions towards radical groups as well as to propaganda. The current study investigated whether the response to extremist propaganda videos (namely, aversion felt for the video and the perceived persuasiveness of the video) is shaped by an individual’s authoritarian attitudes and psychological uncertainty and whether this is a global process or in-group specific. Further, it considered the effects of exposure to extremist propaganda on the identification with one’s in-group. In a laboratory experiment, German students were confronted with a right-wing extremist and an Islamic extremist video after manipulating their level of uncertainty (high vs. low levels of psychological uncertainty).  The results confirmed that the interaction between authoritarianism and psychological uncertainty affected the evaluation of right-wing extremist videos addressing participants’ national in-group. Under conditions of uncertainty, authoritarianism predicted less aversion and a higher persuasiveness of these videos. Further, psychological uncertainty increased the identification with participants’ German nationality, irrespective of authoritarian attitudes. Notably, the effect was in-group bound: The same effect was not found for Islamic extremist propaganda referring to a religious out-group. The results are discussed regarding the potential of propaganda to foster behavioral intentions and engagement in extremist groups in specific threatening situations.
在互联网上上传极端主义宣传的数量正在增加。特别是,右翼极端分子和伊斯兰极端组织利用互联网提供的机会向全世界传播他们的思想。两者都处理群体内的特定主题,并以各自的政治、民族或宗教身份向听众发表讲话。有几个因素,如更高水平的专制价值取向和威胁性的生活状况(如存在威胁或心理不确定性),已经被发现塑造了人们对激进团体和宣传的反应。当前的研究调查了对极端主义宣传视频的反应(即对视频的厌恶感和对视频的感知说服力)是否由个人的专制态度和心理不确定性所塑造,以及这是一个全球过程还是群体内特定的过程。此外,它还考虑了接触极端主义宣传对个人内部群体认同的影响。在一项实验室实验中,德国学生在操纵他们的不确定性水平(高水平与低水平的心理不确定性)后,面对一个右翼极端分子和一个伊斯兰极端分子的视频。结果证实,威权主义与心理不确定性之间的相互作用影响了右翼极端主义视频对参与者民族内群体的评价。在不确定的条件下,威权主义预测这些视频的厌恶程度会降低,说服力会增强。此外,心理不确定性增加了参与者对德国国籍的认同,而不考虑专制态度。值得注意的是,这种效果是受群体内限制的:伊斯兰极端主义宣传提到宗教外群体时,没有发现同样的效果。研究结果讨论了宣传在特定威胁情况下培养极端主义团体行为意图和参与的潜力。
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引用次数: 22
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Journal for Deradicalization
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