Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0005
M. Scull
Individuals within the Church, rather than the institution as a whole, became the main negotiators for peace after the revelations of clerical child abuse in the early 1990s. Priests like Fathers Alec Reid, Gerry Reynolds, and Denis Faul worked privately to convince paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons. The Church hierarchy was forced into a defensive position in order to protect its reputation as a moral arbiter after the child abuse revelations. The institutional Catholic Church was no longer able to play a role in the peace process by this point. However, individual priests who fostered relationships with their Protestant counterparts continued to act as negotiators for an end to the conflict. The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement marked one step in the peace process but after this point the Catholic Church had no influence on these policies.
{"title":"‘Let history judge who was to blame’, 1990–1998","authors":"M. Scull","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Individuals within the Church, rather than the institution as a whole, became the main negotiators for peace after the revelations of clerical child abuse in the early 1990s. Priests like Fathers Alec Reid, Gerry Reynolds, and Denis Faul worked privately to convince paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons. The Church hierarchy was forced into a defensive position in order to protect its reputation as a moral arbiter after the child abuse revelations. The institutional Catholic Church was no longer able to play a role in the peace process by this point. However, individual priests who fostered relationships with their Protestant counterparts continued to act as negotiators for an end to the conflict. The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement marked one step in the peace process but after this point the Catholic Church had no influence on these policies.","PeriodicalId":375716,"journal":{"name":"The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124842337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0001
M. Scull
This chapter traces the Church’s involvement with peaceful civil rights protests in Northern Ireland from 1968 until the end of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire in the summer of 1972. During this period the Irish Catholic Church hierarchy condemned violence but demonstrated understanding of civil rights concerns through pastoral letters, media interviews, community visits, and homilies. Irish priests and women religious began to mediate the conflict ‘on the ground’ but found quickly that a small minority who refused to back down from violence began questioning their authority. The English Catholic Church remained silent on the growing conflict, preferring the soft power approach of private dinners with British government officials rather than public statements condemning violence. Bloody Sunday, the killing of British Army soldier William Best, and the Derry Peace Women movement marked a change in Church power relations, as priests and bishops began to openly condemn the IRA.
{"title":"‘From Civil Rights to Armalites’","authors":"M. Scull","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0001","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter traces the Church’s involvement with peaceful civil rights protests in Northern Ireland from 1968 until the end of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire in the summer of 1972. During this period the Irish Catholic Church hierarchy condemned violence but demonstrated understanding of civil rights concerns through pastoral letters, media interviews, community visits, and homilies. Irish priests and women religious began to mediate the conflict ‘on the ground’ but found quickly that a small minority who refused to back down from violence began questioning their authority. The English Catholic Church remained silent on the growing conflict, preferring the soft power approach of private dinners with British government officials rather than public statements condemning violence. Bloody Sunday, the killing of British Army soldier William Best, and the Derry Peace Women movement marked a change in Church power relations, as priests and bishops began to openly condemn the IRA.","PeriodicalId":375716,"journal":{"name":"The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131224551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0004
M. Scull
The Irish Catholic Church hierarchy became divided during this period marked by the installation of Bishop Cahal Daly, a conservative theologian, as the new Bishop of Down and Connor in 1982. Personality clashes between Daly and the staunchly nationalist head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, Cardinal Tomás Ó Fiaich, created tension within the Church. As Sinn Féin gained an electoral mandate, the Church struggled to condemn violence without isolating those who voted for the party. Analysis focuses on the institutional Church and grassroots clergy who were more united in the long-standing efforts to free the Birmingham Six, Maguire Seven, and Guildford Four. Bishop Edward Daly’s banning of republican paramilitary funerals in Derry constituted another challenge to republicanism from the institutional Church. By the mid-1980s, however, increased communication between Irish and English bishops resulted in greater Church-lead peace initiatives.
1982年,保守派神学家卡哈尔·戴利(Cahal Daly)主教被任命为唐恩和康纳主教,这一时期,爱尔兰天主教会的等级制度出现了分裂。戴利与爱尔兰天主教会坚定的民族主义领袖红衣主教Tomás Ó Fiaich之间的个性冲突,在教会内部造成了紧张局势。随着新芬党获得选举授权,教会努力谴责暴力而不孤立那些投票给该党的人。分析的重点是机构教会和基层神职人员,他们在解放伯明翰六人组、马奎尔七人组和吉尔福德四人组的长期努力中更加团结。主教爱德华·戴利(Edward Daly)禁止在德里举行共和派准军事葬礼,这是体制教会对共和主义的又一次挑战。然而,到20世纪80年代中期,爱尔兰和英国主教之间交流的增加导致了更多的教会领导的和平倡议。
{"title":"‘To Remind Catholics that Support for the IRA and SF was not Compatible with Membership of the Catholic Church’, 1982–1990","authors":"M. Scull","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"The Irish Catholic Church hierarchy became divided during this period marked by the installation of Bishop Cahal Daly, a conservative theologian, as the new Bishop of Down and Connor in 1982. Personality clashes between Daly and the staunchly nationalist head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, Cardinal Tomás Ó Fiaich, created tension within the Church. As Sinn Féin gained an electoral mandate, the Church struggled to condemn violence without isolating those who voted for the party. Analysis focuses on the institutional Church and grassroots clergy who were more united in the long-standing efforts to free the Birmingham Six, Maguire Seven, and Guildford Four. Bishop Edward Daly’s banning of republican paramilitary funerals in Derry constituted another challenge to republicanism from the institutional Church. By the mid-1980s, however, increased communication between Irish and English bishops resulted in greater Church-lead peace initiatives.","PeriodicalId":375716,"journal":{"name":"The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122992534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0002
M. Scull
These years mark the bloodiest of the conflict with the highest number of deaths. Priests, women religious, and the Irish Catholic hierarchy continued to find their voice in condemning violence and, in private moments, acted as mediators between the British government and republican paramilitary groups. However, ecumenical efforts between Protestant and Catholic Church leaders at this time remained limited. The English Catholic Church hierarchy began to publicly condemn republican paramilitaries as the IRA started to bomb England. The death of IRA member James McDade, after a bomb he planted in Coventry exploded prematurely, marked the first major schism between English and Irish Catholic Church doctrine and practice. This set a course of confusion over the Church stance on issues of suicide and excommunication that continued for the rest of the conflict.
{"title":"‘The Demands of Justice Must be Stated before the Words of Peace Find a Receptive Ground, 1972–1976’","authors":"M. Scull","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"These years mark the bloodiest of the conflict with the highest number of deaths. Priests, women religious, and the Irish Catholic hierarchy continued to find their voice in condemning violence and, in private moments, acted as mediators between the British government and republican paramilitary groups. However, ecumenical efforts between Protestant and Catholic Church leaders at this time remained limited. The English Catholic Church hierarchy began to publicly condemn republican paramilitaries as the IRA started to bomb England. The death of IRA member James McDade, after a bomb he planted in Coventry exploded prematurely, marked the first major schism between English and Irish Catholic Church doctrine and practice. This set a course of confusion over the Church stance on issues of suicide and excommunication that continued for the rest of the conflict.","PeriodicalId":375716,"journal":{"name":"The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127187972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-09-05DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0003
M. Scull
This chapter is devoted to the prison protests in Long Kesh/Maze Prison. It evaluates Church responses to the evolving protest by republican paramilitary prisoners on their quest for ‘five demands’ for political prisoner status. The chapter will culminate with the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes which saw the deaths of ten men in the prison, including Bobby Sands, and more than sixty deaths outside caused by heightened community tensions. At this point, the English and Irish Catholic Churches faced their greatest point of division over the issue of hunger striking as suicide; a schism often reported by the British media. Fr Denis Faul, a civil rights activist, effectively ended the 1981 hunger strike by convincing the families to medically intervene. The legacy of the strikes fractured the tenuous relationship between the Church and Irish Republicans, marking a major turning point in the conflict.
{"title":"‘The Men of Violence’, 1976–1981","authors":"M. Scull","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter is devoted to the prison protests in Long Kesh/Maze Prison. It evaluates Church responses to the evolving protest by republican paramilitary prisoners on their quest for ‘five demands’ for political prisoner status. The chapter will culminate with the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes which saw the deaths of ten men in the prison, including Bobby Sands, and more than sixty deaths outside caused by heightened community tensions. At this point, the English and Irish Catholic Churches faced their greatest point of division over the issue of hunger striking as suicide; a schism often reported by the British media. Fr Denis Faul, a civil rights activist, effectively ended the 1981 hunger strike by convincing the families to medically intervene. The legacy of the strikes fractured the tenuous relationship between the Church and Irish Republicans, marking a major turning point in the conflict.","PeriodicalId":375716,"journal":{"name":"The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129914400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}