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The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998最新文献

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‘Let history judge who was to blame’, 1990–1998 “让历史来判断谁是罪魁祸首”,1990-1998年
Pub Date : 2019-09-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0005
M. Scull
Individuals within the Church, rather than the institution as a whole, became the main negotiators for peace after the revelations of clerical child abuse in the early 1990s. Priests like Fathers Alec Reid, Gerry Reynolds, and Denis Faul worked privately to convince paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons. The Church hierarchy was forced into a defensive position in order to protect its reputation as a moral arbiter after the child abuse revelations. The institutional Catholic Church was no longer able to play a role in the peace process by this point. However, individual priests who fostered relationships with their Protestant counterparts continued to act as negotiators for an end to the conflict. The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement marked one step in the peace process but after this point the Catholic Church had no influence on these policies.
在20世纪90年代初神职人员虐待儿童的事件曝光后,教会内部的个人,而不是整个机构,成为了和平的主要谈判者。像亚历克·里德、格里·雷诺兹和丹尼斯·福尔神父这样的牧师私下说服准军事组织放下武器。在虐童事件曝光后,教会高层被迫采取防御立场,以保护其作为道德仲裁者的声誉。到目前为止,体制性的天主教会已无法在和平进程中发挥作用。然而,与新教同行建立关系的个别牧师继续充当结束冲突的谈判者。贝尔法斯特/耶稣受难日协定的签署标志着和平进程的一步,但在此之后,天主教会对这些政策没有影响。
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引用次数: 0
‘From Civil Rights to Armalites’ “从民权到武装分子”
Pub Date : 2019-09-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0001
M. Scull
This chapter traces the Church’s involvement with peaceful civil rights protests in Northern Ireland from 1968 until the end of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) ceasefire in the summer of 1972. During this period the Irish Catholic Church hierarchy condemned violence but demonstrated understanding of civil rights concerns through pastoral letters, media interviews, community visits, and homilies. Irish priests and women religious began to mediate the conflict ‘on the ground’ but found quickly that a small minority who refused to back down from violence began questioning their authority. The English Catholic Church remained silent on the growing conflict, preferring the soft power approach of private dinners with British government officials rather than public statements condemning violence. Bloody Sunday, the killing of British Army soldier William Best, and the Derry Peace Women movement marked a change in Church power relations, as priests and bishops began to openly condemn the IRA.
这一章追溯了教会从1968年到1972年夏天爱尔兰共和军(IRA)停火结束期间参与北爱尔兰和平民权抗议活动的历史。在此期间,爱尔兰天主教会高层谴责暴力,但通过牧函、媒体采访、社区访问和布道,展示了对民权问题的理解。爱尔兰的牧师和女教徒开始在“现场”调解冲突,但很快发现,一小部分拒绝放弃暴力的人开始质疑他们的权威。英国天主教会对愈演愈烈的冲突保持沉默,他们更喜欢用软实力的方式与英国政府官员私下共进晚餐,而不是公开谴责暴力。血腥星期日,英军士兵威廉·贝斯特被杀,以及德里和平妇女运动标志着教会权力关系的变化,牧师和主教开始公开谴责爱尔兰共和军。
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引用次数: 0
‘To Remind Catholics that Support for the IRA and SF was not Compatible with Membership of the Catholic Church’, 1982–1990 “提醒天主教徒,支持爱尔兰共和军和SF与天主教会的成员身份是不相容的”,1982-1990年
Pub Date : 2019-09-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0004
M. Scull
The Irish Catholic Church hierarchy became divided during this period marked by the installation of Bishop Cahal Daly, a conservative theologian, as the new Bishop of Down and Connor in 1982. Personality clashes between Daly and the staunchly nationalist head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, Cardinal Tomás Ó Fiaich, created tension within the Church. As Sinn Féin gained an electoral mandate, the Church struggled to condemn violence without isolating those who voted for the party. Analysis focuses on the institutional Church and grassroots clergy who were more united in the long-standing efforts to free the Birmingham Six, Maguire Seven, and Guildford Four. Bishop Edward Daly’s banning of republican paramilitary funerals in Derry constituted another challenge to republicanism from the institutional Church. By the mid-1980s, however, increased communication between Irish and English bishops resulted in greater Church-lead peace initiatives.
1982年,保守派神学家卡哈尔·戴利(Cahal Daly)主教被任命为唐恩和康纳主教,这一时期,爱尔兰天主教会的等级制度出现了分裂。戴利与爱尔兰天主教会坚定的民族主义领袖红衣主教Tomás Ó Fiaich之间的个性冲突,在教会内部造成了紧张局势。随着新芬党获得选举授权,教会努力谴责暴力而不孤立那些投票给该党的人。分析的重点是机构教会和基层神职人员,他们在解放伯明翰六人组、马奎尔七人组和吉尔福德四人组的长期努力中更加团结。主教爱德华·戴利(Edward Daly)禁止在德里举行共和派准军事葬礼,这是体制教会对共和主义的又一次挑战。然而,到20世纪80年代中期,爱尔兰和英国主教之间交流的增加导致了更多的教会领导的和平倡议。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Demands of Justice Must be Stated before the Words of Peace Find a Receptive Ground, 1972–1976’ “在和平的话语得到接受之前,必须先提出正义的要求,1972-1976”
Pub Date : 2019-09-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0002
M. Scull
These years mark the bloodiest of the conflict with the highest number of deaths. Priests, women religious, and the Irish Catholic hierarchy continued to find their voice in condemning violence and, in private moments, acted as mediators between the British government and republican paramilitary groups. However, ecumenical efforts between Protestant and Catholic Church leaders at this time remained limited. The English Catholic Church hierarchy began to publicly condemn republican paramilitaries as the IRA started to bomb England. The death of IRA member James McDade, after a bomb he planted in Coventry exploded prematurely, marked the first major schism between English and Irish Catholic Church doctrine and practice. This set a course of confusion over the Church stance on issues of suicide and excommunication that continued for the rest of the conflict.
这几年是冲突中最血腥的一年,死亡人数最多。牧师、女修道士和爱尔兰天主教等级继续在谴责暴力方面发出自己的声音,并在私下充当英国政府和共和派准军事组织之间的调解人。然而,此时新教和天主教领袖之间的合一努力仍然有限。当爱尔兰共和军开始轰炸英国时,英国天主教会高层开始公开谴责共和派准军事组织。爱尔兰共和军成员詹姆斯·麦克达德(James McDade)在考文垂埋下的炸弹过早爆炸后死亡,这标志着英国和爱尔兰天主教会教义和实践的第一次重大分裂。这使教会在自杀和开除教籍问题上的立场产生了混乱,这种混乱一直持续到冲突的剩余时间。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Men of Violence’, 1976–1981 《暴力之人》(1976-1981
Pub Date : 2019-09-05 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0003
M. Scull
This chapter is devoted to the prison protests in Long Kesh/Maze Prison. It evaluates Church responses to the evolving protest by republican paramilitary prisoners on their quest for ‘five demands’ for political prisoner status. The chapter will culminate with the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes which saw the deaths of ten men in the prison, including Bobby Sands, and more than sixty deaths outside caused by heightened community tensions. At this point, the English and Irish Catholic Churches faced their greatest point of division over the issue of hunger striking as suicide; a schism often reported by the British media. Fr Denis Faul, a civil rights activist, effectively ended the 1981 hunger strike by convincing the families to medically intervene. The legacy of the strikes fractured the tenuous relationship between the Church and Irish Republicans, marking a major turning point in the conflict.
这一章专门讲述了Long Kesh/Maze监狱的监狱抗议活动。它评估了教会对共和党准军事囚犯不断演变的抗议活动的反应,他们要求获得政治犯地位的“五项要求”。这一章将在1980年和1981年的绝食抗议中达到高潮,在绝食抗议中,监狱里有10人死亡,其中包括鲍比·桑兹(Bobby Sands),由于社区紧张局势加剧,监狱外有60多人死亡。在这一点上,英国和爱尔兰的天主教会面临着最大的分歧,因为绝食是自杀;英国媒体经常报道的分裂。民权活动家丹尼斯·福尔神父(Fr Denis Faul)通过说服家属进行医疗干预,有效地结束了1981年的绝食抗议。罢工的遗留问题打破了教会和爱尔兰共和党之间脆弱的关系,标志着冲突的一个重大转折点。
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引用次数: 0
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The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998
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