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A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume II最新文献

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Digesting Decolonization 消化非殖民化
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198830573.003.0003
B. O’Leary
This chapter examines how and when the Irish Free State went from partial to full political decolonization. It argues that Collins’s stepping-stone theory of the Treaty of 1921 would be proved correct, but that de Valéra and Childers and their allies also correctly observed the deficiencies of that treaty. The fate of southern Protestants is examined. The wilder allegations of genocide and ethnic expulsion are demonstrated to be without merit; their twentieth-century story is mostly one of integration and assimilation. Fianna Fáil’s program of constitutional transformation is traced and its significance for Northern Ireland evaluated. The Irish Free State’s state-building and consolidation of its sovereignty were diplomatic accomplishments of both Cumann na nGaedheal and Fianna Fáil governments. The program of Irish state-building clashed with the aspirations behind all-Ireland nation-building. The “economic war” of the 1930s and the Anglo-Irish Agreements of 1938 are surveyed, before the decisions of de Valéra’s cabinet regarding neutrality in the Second World War and the supposed British offer of reunification are interpreted for their long-run significance for Northern Ireland.
本章考察爱尔兰自由邦如何以及何时从部分政治非殖民化走向完全政治非殖民化。它认为,柯林斯关于1921年条约的奠基石理论将被证明是正确的,但德瓦尔杰拉和柴尔德斯及其盟友也正确地观察到了该条约的缺陷。南方新教徒的命运被审视。关于种族灭绝和种族驱逐的更为荒诞的指控被证明是毫无根据的;他们20世纪的故事基本上是一个融合和同化的故事。本文追溯了菲安娜Fáil的宪法转型计划,并对其对北爱尔兰的意义进行了评估。爱尔兰自由邦的建国和主权的巩固是库曼·爱尔兰和爱尔兰Fáil政府的外交成就。爱尔兰国家建设计划与整个爱尔兰国家建设背后的愿望发生了冲突。1930年代的“经济战争”和1938年的盎格鲁-爱尔兰协议被调查,在de val ra内阁关于在第二次世界大战中保持中立的决定和英国提出的统一提议被解释为它们对北爱尔兰的长期意义之前。
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引用次数: 0
The Unexpected Stabilization of Control 控制的意外稳定
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198830573.003.0004
B. O’Leary
This chapter emphasizes how the Second World War unexpectedly stabilized the system of control in Northern Ireland. In the late 1930s the Northern government, like that of Newfoundland, faced possible bankruptcy, and the UUP leadership looked stale and challenged. At the same time, independent Ireland was showing evidence of consolidation of its sovereignty, economic development, and stability. The Second World War, and the eventual US leadership of the United Nations against the Axis powers, reversed the rolling out of these patterns. How and why Ulster Unionists benefited more than Irish nationalists from the Second World War is explained.
本章强调第二次世界大战如何出人意料地稳定了北爱尔兰的控制体系。在20世纪30年代末,北方政府和纽芬兰政府一样,面临着可能的破产,统一党领导层显得陈腐和受到挑战。与此同时,独立后的爱尔兰显示出主权巩固、经济发展和稳定的迹象。本书解释了阿尔斯特统一党如何以及为何比爱尔兰民族主义者从第二次世界大战中获益更多。
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引用次数: 0
British Intervention 英国的干预
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198830573.003.0006
B. O’Leary
The puzzle addressed in this chapter is why one British government intervened in Northern Ireland in 1969 and why another eventually resorted to direct rule in 1972. British conduct in this period stands out in comparison with the inactivity of their predecessors during similar historical junctures when the Ulster Unionist Party had been able to repress Catholic or nationalist discontent. Though the preference of many British officials was to shore up the Stormont regime, the civil-rights movement had corroded the previous normative order protecting the UUP’s control because its marchers demanded British rights for British citizens, in the full glare of modern media. The immediate precipitants of intervention in the loss of control by the RUC and the Specials are examined. They took place against the background of the mobilization of Irish forces and field hospitals and riotous pogroms directed against Catholics in Derry and Belfast. Whether Northern Ireland was reformable is addressed, as are the dynamics of the descent into loyalist violence, British counterinsurgency, and IRA insurgency. The development of Irish government policy toward the North in 1969–70 is treated in a brief appendix.
本章要解决的谜题是,为什么一个英国政府在1969年干预北爱尔兰,为什么另一个政府最终在1972年诉诸直接统治。在这一时期,英国人的行为与他们的前任在类似的历史关头的不作为相比显得突出,当时阿尔斯特统一党能够压制天主教或民族主义的不满。尽管许多英国官员倾向于支持斯托蒙特政权,但民权运动已经侵蚀了之前保护统一党控制权的规范秩序,因为它的游行者在现代媒体的全面关注下要求英国公民享有英国的权利。研究了RUC和特种部队干预失控的直接诱因。这些事件是在爱尔兰军队和野战医院动员以及针对德里和贝尔法斯特天主教徒的骚乱的背景下发生的。书中讨论了北爱尔兰是否可以改革,以及陷入保皇派暴力、英国反叛乱和爱尔兰共和军叛乱的动态。爱尔兰政府在1969-70年间对北方政策的发展在一个简短的附录中进行了处理。
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引用次数: 0
Losing Control, 1958–1972 失去控制,1958-1972
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198830573.003.0005
B. O’Leary
At the start of 1959, when Sean Lemass became Ireland’s prime minister, Northern Ireland’s UUP looked fully in control, having quickly defeated an IRA campaign that had begun in 1956 and sputtered out in 1961. Yet just over a decade later the UUP’s control collapsed under the pressure of a civil-rights movement and its consequences. How this unexpected set of events unfolded and led to renewed British direct rule is explained in this chapter. The consequences of the British welfare state are emphasized. Northern Irish Catholics demanding equal rights with British citizens proved to be the key that unwound the UUP’s system of control. The UK Labour government of 1964–70 proved more sympathetic to Northern Irish Catholics than its predecessors had been in 1945–51 for reasons that are explained in this chapter and the next. Paradoxically, improved relations between the Southern and Northern governments preceded the erosion of the UUP’s control of the North.
1959年初,当肖恩•勒马斯(Sean Lemass)成为爱尔兰总理时,北爱尔兰统一党(UUP)迅速击败了始于1956年、于1961年结束的爱尔兰共和军(IRA)的竞选活动,看起来已经完全掌控了局势。然而就在十多年后,在民权运动及其后果的压力下,统一党的控制垮台了。本章将解释这一系列意外事件是如何展开并导致英国重新直接统治的。书中强调了英国福利国家的后果。北爱尔兰天主教徒要求与英国公民享有平等权利,这被证明是解除统一党控制体系的关键。事实证明,1964年至1970年的英国工党政府比1945年至1951年的前任政府更同情北爱尔兰天主教徒,原因将在本章和下一章中解释。矛盾的是,在统一党对北方的控制被削弱之前,南方和北方政府之间的关系就得到了改善。
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引用次数: 0
Not an Inch 寸步难行
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198830573.003.0002
B. O’Leary
The formation of Northern Ireland is treated in this chapter. Contrary to subsequent misrepresentation, Northern Ireland was not a state, but a devolved government within the UK, with limited powers. Despite Craig’s and the UUP’s pledges of fair and impartial government, Northern Ireland had fiery and partisan beginnings, marked by pogroms and deadly ethnic riots. What follows examines how the UUP improvised amid the constraints of the Government Ireland Act and the 1921 treaty to establish constitutional, policing, territorial, legal, and economic control throughout Northern Ireland. The extensive electoral gerrymandering is explored, as well as its consequences. Cultural Catholics had restricted autonomy in their schooling system, which was not equally or proportionally funded. The chapter addresses what motivated the system of control, and how the British allowed it to develop.
本章讨论北爱尔兰的形成。与后来的曲解相反,北爱尔兰不是一个国家,而是英国内部的一个权力有限的下放政府。尽管克雷格和北爱尔兰统一党承诺要建立一个公平公正的政府,但北爱尔兰一开始就有激烈的党派冲突,以大屠杀和致命的种族骚乱为标志。下文将考察统一党如何在《爱尔兰政府法》和1921年条约的约束下即兴发挥,在整个北爱尔兰建立宪法、治安、领土、法律和经济控制。本书探讨了广泛的选举不公正划分选区及其后果。文化上的天主教徒在他们的教育系统上的自主权受到限制,这不是平等或按比例资助的。这一章讨论了控制制度的动机,以及英国人是如何允许它发展的。
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引用次数: 0
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A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume II
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