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DecisionSciRN: Legislative & Regulatory Decision-Making (Topic)最新文献

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Labor Market Choices of Migrants and Redistributive Policies 移民的劳动力市场选择与再分配政策
Pub Date : 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3890497
Kerstin Mitterbacher, Stefan Palan, Jürgen Fleiß
We experimentally study economic migrants’ willingness to take up work and integrate into society, and, in turn, destination country citizens’ willingness to allow economic migrants to pursue formal work and integrate into society and its social security and welfare system. We find clear evidence for a reciprocal relationship between the individuals in these roles. The labor market participation of economic migrants co-moves with destination countries’ openness to welcoming them. We conclude that supporting economic migrants in early labor market attachment is crucial to support a mutually beneficial co-existence in a society.
我们通过实验研究了经济移民从事工作和融入社会的意愿,以及目的国公民允许经济移民从事正式工作和融入社会及其社会保障和福利制度的意愿。我们发现了这些角色中个体之间相互关系的明确证据。经济移民对劳动力市场的参与与目的地国家对他们的开放程度是同步的。我们的结论是,支持早期劳动力市场依附的经济移民对于支持社会中的互利共存至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating Global Externalities 调节全球外部性
Pub Date : 2019-01-07 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3312185
R. Heijmans, R. Gerlagh
The question in which we are interested is how a market inhabited by multiple agents, about whom we are differentially uncertain, and who trade goods the use of which imposes a negative effect on others, is to be ideally regulated. We show that a priori asymmetric uncertainty, when combined with a posteriori observed outcomes, is a rich source of information that can be used to reduce aggregate uncertainty. The observation implies that whereas asymmetric information usually entails a cost on welfare, it can help achieve greater efficiency in regulation.
我们感兴趣的问题是,一个由多个主体居住的市场,如何进行理想的监管?对于这些主体,我们在不同程度上是不确定的,他们交易的商品的使用会对他人产生负面影响。我们表明,先验的不对称不确定性,当与后验观察结果相结合时,是一个丰富的信息来源,可用于减少总不确定性。这一观察结果表明,尽管信息不对称通常会带来福利成本,但它有助于提高监管效率。
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引用次数: 3
GDPR-Lite and Requiring Strengthening – Submission on the Draft Personal Data Protection Bill to the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (India) GDPR-Lite及有待加强-向电子及资讯科技部提交个人资料保护条例草案拟稿(印度)
Pub Date : 2018-09-20 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3252286
G. Greenleaf
This submission concerns the draft Personal Data Protection Bill which accompanies the July 2018 Report of the Committee of Experts on Data Protection (‘Srikrishna Report’) appointed by the Indian government. The submission makes five general comments about the Bill, on these topics: 1. The draft Bill is a serious and modern draft law, and should only be strengthened, not weakened by MeitY in preparing a Bill for submission to the legislature. The Indian government has compelling reasons to enact a Bill resembling this draft. 2. The Report and Bill both reflect a very different regulatory philosophy from the EU GDPR’s radical dispersal of decision-making responsibility (and liability for wrong decisions) to data controllers. The Indian model is more prescriptive, but a justifiable regulatory option, provided it does not include excessive discretion to the government or the Data Protection Authority. 3. The Bill's data localisation requirements adopt an unjustifiable generic approach to data localisation, through blanket local copy requirements (with exceptions to be specified by government), and export prohibitions also specified by government. 4. The very broad exemptions from most of the Act for processing in the interests of State security or relating to law enforcement, although purportedly constrained by legality, necessity and proportionality (are dangerously vague). 5. The lack of complete independence of the DPIA, and the lack of any legislatively guaranteed independence by the Adjudicating Officers, represent unsound policy in relation to bodies whose function is to regulate government as well as the private sector. The submission also includes fifteen more specific recommendations for improvements to the Bill.
该文件涉及印度政府任命的数据保护专家委员会2018年7月报告(“Srikrishna报告”)附带的个人数据保护法案草案。该意见书就下列主题对该法案提出了五点一般性评论:《条例草案》是一项严肃而现代的法律草案,在准备提交立法机关的条例草案时,只应加强而不是削弱它。印度政府有令人信服的理由颁布一项类似于该草案的法案。2. 报告和法案都反映了一种与欧盟GDPR截然不同的监管理念,即将决策责任(以及错误决策的责任)彻底分散到数据控制者身上。印度模式更具规定性,但也是一种合理的监管选择,前提是它不包括对政府或数据保护局的过度自由裁量权。条例草案的数据本地化规定采用了一种不合理的通用数据本地化方法,通过全面的本地副本要求(政府规定的例外情况除外),以及政府规定的出口禁令。4. 为了国家安全的利益或与执法有关的处理而对《法案》的大部分内容的非常广泛的豁免,尽管据称受到合法性、必要性和相称性的限制(危险地含糊不清)。5. 审裁处缺乏完全的独立性,以及审裁处官员缺乏任何法律保障的独立性,这就表明,对于那些职能是管理政府和私营部门的机构来说,政策是不健全的。提交的文件还包括15项具体建议,以改进该条例草案。
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引用次数: 1
FATCA, CRS, and the Wrong Choice of Who to Regulate FATCA, CRS,以及监管对象的错误选择
Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.5744/FTR.2018.1016
Noam Noked
FATCA and CRS have a major flaw that enables tax evaders to avoid reporting of their offshore financial assets. This noncompliance opportunity stems from the fact that many private entities are classified under FATCA and CRS as “financial institutions” (“FIs”), and as such these entities are required to report their beneficial owners. Where a tax evader holds financial assets through a private entity that he or she owns and manages, it is unlikely that this entity will report its owner to the tax authorities. At the same time, banks and other FIs that maintain the financial accounts of such entities are not required to report these entities’ beneficial owners. Therefore, to avoid reporting, tax evaders can simply hold financial assets through private entities that are classified as FIs. This noncompliance opportunity is a result of a wrong choice of who to regulate. The drafters of FATCA and CRS decided to impose obligations on many private entities to report their beneficial owners, instead of imposing these obligations on banks and other FIs that maintain the financial assets of such entities. This policy also results in higher compliance costs for compliant taxpayers, and larger distortions and deadweight loss. Thus, it benefits tax evaders and harms compliant taxpayers. This Article proposes solutions that the U.S. Treasury and the OECD should consider. Building on this analysis, this Article explores a general question of regulatory design: how to choose which group of agents should be required to satisfy a regulatory obligation where that obligation can be imposed on one of two or more alternative groups of agents. When making this decision, the designers of the regulation should consider the cost-effectiveness of compliance, the potential distortions, and the likelihood of noncompliance for each of the alternative groups.
FATCA和CRS有一个重大缺陷,使逃税者能够避免报告他们的离岸金融资产。这种违规机会源于许多私人实体在FATCA和CRS下被归类为“金融机构”(“FIs”),因此这些实体必须报告其受益所有人。如果逃税者通过他或她拥有和管理的私人实体持有金融资产,则该实体不太可能向税务机关报告其所有者。与此同时,维护此类实体金融账户的银行和其他金融机构不需要报告这些实体的受益所有人。因此,为了避免报告,逃税者可以简单地通过被归类为金融机构的私人实体持有金融资产。这种不合规的机会是错误选择监管对象的结果。FATCA和CRS的起草者决定对许多私人实体施加报告其受益所有人的义务,而不是对维护这些实体金融资产的银行和其他金融机构施加这些义务。该政策还导致合规纳税人的合规成本更高,以及更大的扭曲和无谓损失。因此,它有利于逃税者和损害守法纳税人。本文提出了美国财政部和经合组织应考虑的解决方案。在此分析的基础上,本文探讨了监管设计的一个一般问题:如果监管义务可以强加给两个或多个可选择的代理群体中的一个,那么如何选择哪一组代理应该被要求履行监管义务。当做出这个决定时,规则的设计者应该考虑遵守的成本效益、潜在的扭曲以及每个替代组不遵守的可能性。
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引用次数: 8
Behavioral Welfare Economics, Libertarian Paternalism, and the Nudge Agenda 行为福利经济学、自由意志主义的家长式作风和助推议程
Pub Date : 2015-05-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2580523
Erik Angner
Armed with a set of economic theories and a desire to influence policy and improve lives, behavioral economists have developed a doctrine variously referred to as libertarian, light/soft, or asymmetric paternalism, and a series of policy proposals collectively referred to as the nudge agenda. To its advocates, the nudge agenda allows us to improve people’s choices and thereby their well-being on their own terms at minimal cost and without interfering with their liberty or autonomy. To its critics, the nudge agenda represents an ineffective and dangerous intrusion into the sphere of personal decision-making by bureaucrats who may be no better at making decisions than the people whose choices they are trying to improve. This paper reviews what libertarian paternalism and the nudge agenda are, how their foundations differ (or not) from those of neoclassical economics, and what their promises and limitations might be.
有了一套经济理论和影响政策、改善生活的愿望,行为经济学家已经发展出一套被称为自由意志主义、轻/软或不对称家长制的学说,以及一系列被统称为“助推议程”的政策建议。对其支持者来说,助推议程使我们能够以最小的成本改善人们的选择,从而以他们自己的方式改善他们的福祉,而不会干扰他们的自由或自主权。在批评者看来,推动议程代表着官僚们对个人决策领域的一种无效和危险的侵入,这些官僚们在决策方面可能并不比那些他们试图改善选择的人强。本文回顾了自由意志主义的家长式作风和助推议程是什么,它们的基础与新古典经济学的基础有何不同(或没有不同),以及它们的承诺和局限性可能是什么。
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引用次数: 3
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