Postscripts on Independence最新文献

From Pigmentocracy to Representocracy 从色素统治到代议制

Postscripts on Independence

Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199479641.003.0004

Vineet Thakur

This chapter traces the post-apartheid transformation of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) in South Africa. It argues that in the first decade of transition, the Department remained preoccupied with the process of internal restructuring, which was successfully achieved. This caused structural pains as many of the old white diplomats left the service, robbing the Department of crucial expertise. In these years, the political leadership played a stronger role in the South African foreign policymaking. While Mandela’s foreign policy formulation was ad-hocist, Mbeki relied on institutional structures. However, rather than emphasizing on strengthening the DFA, he created new institutional structures under his integrated governance scheme which, ironically, further centralised foreign policymaking. Consequently, the DFA was further marginalized.

本章追溯南非外交部(DFA)在种族隔离后的转型。它认为，在过渡的第一个十年，新闻部仍然全神贯注于内部改组的进程，这一进程已成功地完成。这造成了结构上的痛苦，因为许多老的白人外交官离开了这个部门，抢夺了该部的关键专业知识。这些年来，政治领导层在南非外交决策中发挥了更大的作用。曼德拉的外交政策是即兴的，而姆贝基则依赖于制度结构。然而，他没有强调加强外交部，而是在他的综合治理方案下建立了新的制度结构，具有讽刺意味的是，这进一步集中了外交政策的制定。因此，新闻部进一步被边缘化。

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Conclusion 结论

Postscripts on Independence

Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199479641.003.0005

Vineet Thakur

This chapter summarizes the findings of the book. It compares the Indian and South African cases and finds ideational and institutional similarities and differences in the two experiences.

本章总结了本书的发现。它比较了印度和南非的案例，发现了两国经验在理念和制度上的异同。

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Indian Foreign Policy 印度外交政策

Postscripts on Independence

Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199479641.003.0001

Vineet Thakur

This chapter discusses the relationship between India’s national identity and post-Independence foreign policy. It argues that India’s discourse about civilizational pacifism is central to how India was imagined from the time of emergence of the Indian nationalist consciousness. Before independence, three stages of emergence of this discourse can be traced on which finally Nehru grafted his own idea of India. Within this context, it then explores Nehru’s criticisms of the dominant approach to IR—realism—and looks at his alternative vision for Indian foreign policy as well as the world. It also examines the critiques proffered on Nehru’s foreign policy in the initial years and argues how these criticisms did or did not differ from the broader discourse about India’s civilizational pacifism.

本章讨论了印度民族认同与独立后外交政策之间的关系。它认为，印度关于文明和平主义的论述是印度民族主义意识出现以来对印度的想象的核心。在印度独立之前，这一话语的出现经历了三个阶段，最终尼赫鲁在此基础上嫁接了自己对印度的看法。在此背景下，本文探讨了尼赫鲁对ir的主流方法——现实主义——的批评，并探讨了他对印度外交政策和世界外交政策的另一种看法。它还研究了对尼赫鲁最初几年外交政策的批评，并论证了这些批评与关于印度文明和平主义的更广泛论述有何不同。

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‘Panditji Knows Best’

Postscripts on Independence

Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199479641.003.0003

Vineet Thakur

Unlike most other departments that made the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial regime, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) underwent a fundamental transition of both personnel and ideas. Although there existed three different Departments—the Commonwealth Relations Department and the External Affairs Department and the Commerce Department—which handled different aspects of foreign affairs, there were only four Indians who had served as diplomats abroad. Hence, it was not only the question of recruiting new staff, but also training them in a new skill, diplomacy. The chapter argues that there were five main reasons for the ideational weakness of the MEA in the first decade of Indian independence: the tendency towards greater bureaucratization, the lack of communication, the neglect of thinking on economic issues, the blind imitation of British protocols and policy traditions, and the lack of organizational unity. These factors contributed towards the weak foundations of the MEA.

与从殖民政权过渡到后殖民政权的大多数其他部门不同，外交部经历了人员和思想的根本转变。虽然有三个不同的部门——联邦关系部、外务部和商务部——处理外交事务的不同方面，但只有四个印度人在国外担任外交官。因此，这不仅是征聘新工作人员的问题，而且也是训练他们掌握一种新技能即外交的问题。本章认为，在印度独立后的第一个十年，MEA在理念上的薄弱有五个主要原因:更大程度的官僚化趋势、缺乏沟通、忽视对经济问题的思考、盲目模仿英国的协议和政策传统、缺乏组织统一。这些因素造成了多边环境协定基础薄弱。

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South African Foreign Policy 南非外交政策

Postscripts on Independence

Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199479641.003.0002

Vineet Thakur

South Africa’s foreign policy is often accused of being schizophrenic. It often engages in ‘policy summersaults’, as one observer characterizes the wide fluctuations in South Africa’s foreign policy practice. This chapter argues that such conflicted nature of South Africa’s foreign policy practice is indicative of the ambivalent thread that runs through the very idea of South Africa. South Africa is both a rainbow nation and a black country, a country long held to be trekking towards Europe and simultaneously trying to re-turn to Africa. Embodied in the tropes ‘rainbow nation’ and ‘African renaissance’, two different sets of ideas about South African national identity are representative of as well as refracted onto South Africa through its foreign policy practice. The chapter analyses South Africa’s foreign policy practice through debates around South Africa’s national identity.

南非的外交政策经常被指责为精神分裂症。正如一名观察人士所描述的，南非外交政策实践的大幅波动，它经常进行“政策夏斗”。本章认为，南非外交政策实践的这种冲突性质表明了贯穿南非理念的矛盾线索。南非既是一个彩虹之国，也是一个黑人之国，这个国家长期以来一直被认为是向欧洲跋涉，同时又试图返回非洲的国家。在“彩虹之国”和“非洲复兴”的比喻中，两种不同的关于南非民族认同的观念是南非外交政策实践的代表和折射。本章通过对南非国家认同的讨论来分析南非的外交政策实践。

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