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The Limits of Metaphor in Nietzsche's Genealogy of Morals 尼采《道德谱系》中隐喻的局限
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2005-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv16kkx6n.24
R. Robertson
It is a commonplace that Nietzsche makes heavier use of metaphor than most philosophers. But the boundaries between metaphor and literal language are unclear, especially when Nietzsche uses biological terms. Recent commentators, anxious to avoid biological reductionism, have interpreted such terms as purely metaphorical. But recent studies suggest that Nietzsche worked within a nineteenth-century intellectual context that may be called 'biologism,' which saw biology as providing models for processes in other areas of life, but did not reduce them to biology. To test this insight, the present article examines particularly the metaphors (or apparent metaphors) used for processes of change in The Genealogy of Morals, showing how Nietzsche draws on two branches of scholarship that he especially valued: philology and biology. At certain difficult points in Nietzsche's argument, these metaphors come under strain, especially when Nietzsche applies a whole series of incompatible metaphors to explain (or seem to explain) the development of 'slave morality.' ********** Nietzsche's Genealogy of Morals is a hugely, almost insanely ambitious treatise. It undertakes to explain the origins not only of morals but of society, custom, law, class differences, religion, priesthood, and scholarship--all under the sign of the Will to Power. Being concerned with origins, it is also concerned with change and continuity. It asks, for example, how primitive man, who lived from day to day, was changed, over the millennia, into the modern autonomous subject capable of remembering the past and making promises about the future. But it also undertakes to reveal the continuity, for instance, between the early priest with his terrifying ascetic practices and the modem scholar whose asceticism takes the form of a devotion to truth. Nietzsche therefore needs models for change combined with continuity, and he finds two such models in the sciences of his own day. One is philology, which traces the transformation of words; the other is evolutionary biology, which examines the transformation of organisms. In addition, especially in the third essay, he appeals also to physiology and medicine. His constant reference to these sciences gives Nietzsche's late prose a rich metaphorical texture. Where, though, does metaphor stop and literal meaning begin? Many of Nietzsche's recent interpreters ascribe to him a radical epistemological skepticism that would deny the possibility of knowledge and truth. Hence there could be no literal language, because there would be no solid reality for such language to refer to. And indeed The Genealogy of Morals ends by questioning the search for truth, describing it as the last remnant of Christian asceticism, and speaking admiringly of the Islamic sect whose secret doctrine was "Nothing is true, everything is permitted" (III, 24). (1) Yet the Preface seems to announce a factual, scholarly, painstaking search for the truth about morality. Contrasting his ow
众所周知,尼采比大多数哲学家更多地使用隐喻。但是隐喻和字面语言之间的界限是不清楚的,尤其是当尼采使用生物学术语时。最近的评论员急于避免生物还原论,将这些术语解释为纯粹的隐喻。但最近的研究表明,尼采在19世纪的知识背景下工作,可能被称为“生物主义”,它认为生物学为生活的其他领域的过程提供了模型,但并没有将它们简化为生物学。为了验证这一见解,本文特别考察了《道德谱系》中用于变化过程的隐喻(或明显的隐喻),展示了尼采如何利用他特别重视的两个学术分支:文献学和生物学。在尼采论证的某些难点,这些隐喻受到了压力,尤其是当尼采应用了一系列不相容的隐喻来解释(或似乎解释)“奴隶道德”的发展时。**********尼采的《道德谱系》是一部宏大的,近乎疯狂的论文。它不仅要解释道德的起源,而且要解释社会、习俗、法律、阶级差异、宗教、神职人员和学术的起源——所有这些都在权力意志的标志下。在关注起源的同时,它也关注变化和连续性。例如,它提出了这样一个问题:几千年来,生活在日常生活中的原始人是如何转变为现代的自主主体的,他们能够记住过去,并对未来做出承诺。但它也揭示了连续性,例如,早期的牧师,他可怕的苦行和现代学者之间的连续性,他们的苦行表现为对真理的忠诚。因此尼采需要变化与连续性相结合的模型,他在自己时代的科学中发现了两个这样的模型。一个是语文学,研究单词的演变;另一门是进化生物学,研究生物体的转化。此外,特别是在第三篇文章中,他还求助于生理学和医学。他对这些科学的不断引用使尼采的晚期散文具有丰富的隐喻性。然而,隐喻在哪里停止,字面意义在哪里开始?许多尼采最近的诠释者认为他是激进的认识论怀疑论,否定了知识和真理的可能性。因此,不可能有文字语言,因为没有坚实的现实供这种语言所指。的确,《道德谱系》一书的结尾质疑了对真理的追求,将其描述为基督教禁欲主义的最后残余,并钦佩地谈到伊斯兰教派的秘密教义是“没有什么是真实的,一切都是允许的”(III, 24)。然而,《序言》似乎宣告了对道德真理的一种实事求是的、学术性的、艰苦的探索。尼采将自己的计划与康德的“天生的对与错”概念进行了对比,他解释了自己的信念,即道德是有历史的。他在英国哲学家身上发现了一些挑衅,他们将“道德感”追溯到社交性或效用。为了接近“道德的真实历史”(序言7;然而,他的假设需要一个更坚实的基础。他的方法是“灰色的”,而不是“进入蓝色”的猜测:“我指的是被记录下来的,真正可以确定的,真正存在的,简而言之,人类道德过去的整个漫长的象形文字,如此难以破译!”令尼采的后现代诠释者惊讶的是,这听起来很像对可确定数据的承诺。这些数据在尼采的另一部晚期著作《反基督者》(第47节)中被描述为“所有迷信的两个最大反对者,语言学和医学”的两门科学中尤为明显。…
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引用次数: 1
What's the Use of Reading Emerson Pragmatically? the Example of William James 从实用主义角度阅读爱默生有什么用?以威廉·詹姆斯为例
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2003-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt13x0bvb.5
J. M. Albrecht
For those who see Emerson as a seminal figure in American pragmatism, 2003 marks not only the bicentennial of Emerson's birth, but a century since William James and John Dewey delivered addresses that constitute their most explicit public pronouncements on their great American precursor. While the recent renaissance in Emerson studies has coincided with a rediscovery of Emerson's incipient pragmatism, the full import of his affinities to the American pragmatists remains under-appreciated--especially in regards to how we are to read and assess the body of his work. Much criticism persists in reading Emerson as a naively optimistic idealist of the monistic variety, and even those who stress the pluralistic nature of Emerson's vision question just how far, and to what purpose, one can claim the "pragmatic" character of his thought. This issue can be illuminated by considering how William James himself applied his pragmatic method in reading and assessing Emerson's writings. James asserts that the true meaning of competing philosophical beliefs lies in their practical consequences for human behavior--in their ability to guide our actions to results that satisfy our human needs. For James, the most "pregnant" of such philosophical conflicts is that between monism and pluralism, for only a pluralistic universe, one with genuine contingency and novelty, can satisfy our need to make moral judgments and contribute meaningful efforts toward improving our world. Moreover, James insists that pluralism is an anti-absolutist view, capable of acknowledging a great deal of determinism and unification in the world, capable of seeing the world as both "one" and "many," so long as there exists some small, yet sufficient, degree of indeterminacy. Short of adopting a truly absolutist determinism, James concludes, assertions of unity (such as one finds peppered throughout Emerson's writings) are relatively empty statements that express a sheer wonder at the existence of the universe. In his 1903 centenary address, James applies these arguments to assert that Emerson's sensitivity to "the rank diversity of individual facts" made his vision essentially pluralistic, and he pragmatically locates the fundamental pluralism of Emerson's thought in its prescriptions for human behavior: far from an "indiscriminate" monistic optimism, Emerson endorses a melioristic activism that prefigures the ethics of both James and Dewey. James' assessment helps highlight how Emerson expresses such pluralistic attitudes in essays such as "Self-Reliance," "Nominalist and Realist," and "The Uses of Great Men." In another regard, however, it is necessary to extend James' logic beyond his own conclusions. As his reaction to the conclusion of Emerson's essay "History" shows, James concluded that Emerson's voicing of conflicting perspectives, while not compromising the essential pluralism of his vision, was evidence of his failure to achieve philosophic consistency. Following critics such as Poiri
对于那些认为爱默生是美国实用主义的先驱人物的人来说,2003年不仅标志着爱默生诞辰200周年,也是威廉·詹姆斯和约翰·杜威发表最明确的公开声明纪念这位伟大的美国先驱的一个世纪。虽然最近爱默生研究的复兴与爱默生早期实用主义的重新发现相吻合,但他与美国实用主义者的密切关系的全部重要性仍然没有得到充分的重视——特别是在我们如何阅读和评估他的作品主体方面。许多批评坚持认为爱默生是一元论的天真乐观的理想主义者,甚至那些强调爱默生视野的多元化本质的人也质疑,人们可以在多大程度上声称他的思想的“实用主义”特征,以及为了什么目的。这个问题可以通过考虑威廉·詹姆斯本人如何运用他的实用主义方法来阅读和评价爱默生的作品来说明。詹姆斯断言,相互竞争的哲学信仰的真正意义在于它们对人类行为的实际影响,在于它们指导我们的行为达到满足人类需求的结果的能力。对詹姆斯来说,这种哲学冲突中最“孕育”的是一元论和多元主义之间的冲突,因为只有一个多元的宇宙,一个真正具有偶然性和新颖性的宇宙,才能满足我们做出道德判断的需要,并为改善我们的世界做出有意义的努力。此外,詹姆斯坚持认为,多元主义是一种反绝对主义的观点,能够承认世界上大量的决定论和统一性,能够将世界视为“一”和“多”,只要存在一些小而充分的不确定性。詹姆斯总结说,没有采纳真正的绝对决定论,统一的主张(就像你在爱默生的作品中发现的那样)是相对空洞的陈述,表达了对宇宙存在的纯粹惊奇。在他1903年的百年纪念演讲中,詹姆斯运用这些论点来断言爱默生对“个体事实的高度多样性”的敏感性使他的视野本质上是多元的,他务实地将爱默生思想的基本多元性定位在其对人类行为的处方中:远离“不加区分的”一元论乐观主义,爱默生赞同一种改善主义的行动主义,这种行动主义预示了詹姆斯和杜威的伦理学。詹姆斯的评价有助于强调爱默生是如何在《自立》、《唯名论与现实主义》和《伟人的用处》等文章中表达这种多元态度的。然而,在另一方面,有必要将詹姆斯的逻辑延伸到他自己的结论之外。正如他对爱默生的文章《历史》的结论的反应所显示的那样,詹姆斯得出结论,爱默生对冲突观点的表达,虽然没有妥协其视野的本质多元性,但这是他未能实现哲学一致性的证据。继普瓦里尔和卡维尔等批评家之后,我们更有可能看到爱默生对对立观点的阐述是一种深思熟虑的、透视主义的策略,事实上,这种策略预测了詹姆斯自己对行动、过渡和反教条开放的实用主义强调。**********对于那些认为拉尔夫·沃尔多·爱默生是美国实用主义传统中具有开创性的人物的人来说,2003年标志着双重纪念日:这不仅是爱默生诞辰200周年,也是美国最有影响力的实用主义哲学家威廉·詹姆斯和约翰·杜威在爱默生诞辰100周年之际发表演讲的一个世纪,这些演讲构成了他们对伟大的美国先驱的最明确的公开声明。(1)在这两周年纪念之际,也许最引人注目的是,无论是在学术评论家中还是在整个美国文化中,对爱默生的普遍看法仍然没有将詹姆斯和杜威一个世纪前就承认的遗产的意义纳入其中。...
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引用次数: 0
Periodical Literature in Nineteenth-Century America 19世纪美国期刊文学
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1997-03-22 DOI: 10.5860/choice.33-5593
Gib Prettyman
Periodical Literature in Nineteenth-Century America, ed. Kenneth M. Price and Susan Belasco Smith (UP of Virginia, 1995), vi + 292 pp., $45.00 cloth, $17.50 paper. Nineteenth-century American periodical literature, the editors of this volume assert, constitutes "a social text" woven of "complex relationships among writers, readers, editors, publishers, printers, and distributors" (3). The importance of this claim is amply indicated by the collected essays, which immerse the reader in fascinating historical cross-currents. The subjects of these essays clearly are social texts; rather than a discrete "work" or an individual author, the essays move naturally and necessarily between examination of the editors, contributors, audiences, geographical regions, demographic profiles, marketing strategies, and other elements that go together, literally, to make a periodical "text." In exploring these social texts, the essayists purposely raise more issues and questions than can be readily resolved. For example, when Larry J. Reynolds examines Margaret Fuller's revision of the Dial essay "The Great Lawsuit: Man versus Men. Woman versus Women" into the book Woman in the Nineteenth Century, he identifies Fuller's vacillation between intellectual elitism and democratic idealism as a central tension. However, Reynolds points out, her success at fusing these tensions "remains an open question" (17). Such openness is virtually mandated by Reynolds's methodological assumptions: He is not examining an individual text or an isolated author, but rather the revision of a periodical article into a book and the related transition of Fuller from editor of the exclusive Dial into a correspondent for the popular New York Tribune. Margaret Fuller's fluctuating ideas of authorship during this period are intertwined with the two periodicals, which in turn must struggle to survive (or, preferably, thrive) amidst changing conceptions of audience, changing practices of authorship, and changing distribution of intellectual commodities. Because the import of these cultural currents is so manifestly nonlinear--revealing the swirl of commercial successes and failures, more so than traditional, academic authorial intentions--Reynolds performs an invaluable service by examining Fuller's expressed hopes and fears from within the ad hoc material conditions of her literary marketplaces. Does Fuller change, or do marketplaces change her? Is a mass audience the same thing as increased democracy? Is mass circulation more effective than private circulation of manuscripts and ideas? Does commerce necessarily corrupt even our culture's most intellectual efforts--and if so, how? Such questions, still so vital in late-twentieth-century culture, are uncovered in rich fossil form by Reynolds's study of periodical literature. Despite radical implications, the book is strikingly modest in theoretical claims. Editors Price and Smith position their approach to periodicals primarily as an under-explored
期刊《19世纪美国文学》,Kenneth M. Price和Susan Belasco Smith主编(弗吉尼亚大学出版社,1995年),共292页,布价45.00美元,纸价17.50美元。本书的编辑断言,19世纪的美国期刊文学构成了“一种社会文本”,由“作者、读者、编辑、出版商、印刷商和分销商之间的复杂关系”编织而成(3)。这一主张的重要性在文集中得到充分体现,这些文集使读者沉浸在迷人的历史潮流中。这些文章的主题显然是社会文本;这些文章不是一个独立的“作品”或一个单独的作者,而是自然而必然地在对编辑、撰稿人、读者、地理区域、人口统计概况、营销策略和其他因素的审查之间移动,这些因素结合在一起,从字面上看,构成了期刊的“文本”。在探讨这些社会文本时,散文家故意提出了更多的问题,而不是容易解决的问题。例如,当拉里·j·雷诺兹(Larry J. Reynolds)研究玛格丽特·富勒(Margaret Fuller)对Dial论文《大诉讼:男人对男人》(the Great litigation: Man versus Men)的修订时。在《19世纪的女人》一书中,他认为富勒在知识精英主义和民主理想主义之间的摇摆是一种中心张力。然而,雷诺兹指出,她在融合这些紧张关系方面的成功“仍然是一个悬而未决的问题”(17)。这种开放性实际上是由雷诺兹的方法论假设所决定的:他不是在研究一篇单独的文本或一个孤立的作者,而是在研究将一篇期刊文章修改成一本书,以及富勒从独家版《Dial》的编辑转变为流行的《纽约论坛报》的记者。玛格丽特·富勒在这一时期对作者身份的摇摆不定的想法与这两种期刊交织在一起,而这两种期刊反过来又必须在不断变化的读者观念、不断变化的作者身份实践和不断变化的知识商品分配中挣扎求生(或者最好是茁壮成长)。因为这些文化潮流的输入是如此明显的非线性——揭示了商业成功与失败的漩涡,而不是传统的学术作者的意图——雷诺兹通过从她的文学市场的特殊物质条件中审视富勒所表达的希望和恐惧,提供了宝贵的服务。是富勒改变了,还是市场改变了她?大众受众等同于民主的增加吗?手稿和思想的大规模流通是否比私人流通更有效?商业是否一定会腐蚀我们文化中最具智慧的努力?如果是,又是如何腐蚀的?这些问题在20世纪晚期的文化中仍然如此重要,雷诺兹对期刊文学的研究以丰富的化石形式揭示了这些问题。尽管有激进的暗示,这本书在理论主张上却出奇地谦虚。编辑普赖斯和史密斯把他们对期刊的研究定位为一种未被充分探索的“书的历史”批评,在过去15年里,这种批评在凯茜·n·戴维森的《美国的阅读:文学和社会历史》(1989)和理查德·h·布罗德黑德的《文学文化:19世纪美国的阅读和写作场景》(1993)等雄心勃勃的著作中得到了发展。他们选择不攻击学者对书籍的特权,也不详细说明这种特权所带来的可疑假设。显然,缺乏详尽的理论姿态是战略性的:卷的目的是刺激研究和提出问题,而不是赌注知识领域和构建坚定的结论。不过,我认为编辑们低估了期刊文学作为一门主要学科的重要性,而不是作为书籍研究的次要学科。“期刊,”他们的引言称,“曾经被视为文化的反映和背景细节的挖掘,现在被认为是文化的核心组成部分………
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引用次数: 9
Ludmilla Jordanova, Sexual Visions: Images of Gender in Science and Medicine between the Eighteenth and Twentieth Centuries Ludmilla Jordanova,《性视觉:18 - 20世纪科学和医学中的性别形象》
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1989-12-22 DOI: 10.1086/ahr/97.3.821
S. Gilman
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引用次数: 2
Patrick Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830-1914 帕特里克·布兰特林格:《黑暗的统治:英国文学与帝国主义,1830-1914》
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1989-12-22 DOI: 10.5860/choice.26-1376
D. David
Patrick Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830-1914. Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1988. At a time when new historicism is sometimes ahistoricism, when cultural materialism is often unrelated to literary analysis, what a splendid book this is to have. Firmly grounded in ample readings in social history and everywhere informed by a matchless familiarity with Victorian literature, Brantlinger's study exemplifies cultural studies at its best and most productive. Setting out to map the development of imperialist ideology, primarily in adventure tales, travel narratives, novels, and histories, he shows that the discourse of imperialism is a vital enabling factor in the expansion of empire in the nineteenth century. From Marryat's maritime tales of the 1830s through Thackeray's India, the literature of Botany Bay, and Orientalist fantasies of the latter quarter of the century, we arrive at Brantlinger's stunning genealogical chart of the myth of the Dark Continent--Europe's idea of Africa, in all its darkness and its horror. Let me give some idea of the supple readings that culminate in a refreshing insistence that we "see" (to use Conrad's word from his Preface to The Nigger of the Narcissus) the dreadful ambiguities of Heart of Darkness, a text which resists uniform interpretation as exposure of atrocities in the Congo or as ephemeral impressionism. Perhaps the most significant imperative of Rule of Darkness is that we put aside a narrow definition of imperialism as the late nineteenth-century acquisition of new territories by European nations. Brantlinger insists that early and mid-Victorians expressed imperialist ideology in their writings and that imperialism "understood as an evolving but pervasive set of attitudes and ideas toward the rest of the world, influenced all aspects of Victorian and Edwardian culture" (8). But this set of attitudes and ideas undergoes profound change throughout the century, as he demonstrates in his analysis of a shift from hopeful evangelical reform of the savage "other" to a sense of decay, decadence, and loss about the "improving" enterprise at the end of the century. In-between (among other things), Brantlinger shows that Frederick Marryat's tales set the pattern for "the imperialist adventure fiction that flourished from the seafaring writers who emulated him in the 1830s ... down to Haggard, Stevenson, Kipling, and Conrad" (49), and that the literature of Botany Bay expresses contradictions characterizing "the entire literature of emigration and colonization. Were emigrants themselves outcasts, social misfits, criminals? If so, how could they be viewed as the vanguard of an Empire whose goal was nothing less than semidivine, the redemption of the nonwestern world from darkness and barbarism" (113). The posing of this question exemplifies what is particularly good about Brantlinger's study, his identification and sustained elaboration of the deep contradictions embedded in all imperialis
帕特里克·布兰特林格:《黑暗的统治:英国文学与帝国主义,1830-1914》。伊萨卡,纽约州:康奈尔大学,1988年。在新历史主义有时是非历史主义的时代,在文化唯物主义往往与文学分析无关的时代,这是一本多么精彩的书。布兰特林格的研究立足于对社会历史的大量阅读,以及对维多利亚文学无与伦比的熟悉,是文化研究最好、最富有成效的例证。他开始描绘帝国主义意识形态的发展,主要是在冒险故事、旅行叙事、小说和历史中,他表明,帝国主义的话语是19世纪帝国扩张的一个至关重要的促成因素。从马里亚特19世纪30年代的海上故事,到萨克雷的《印度》,到植物学湾的文学作品,再到20世纪后25年的东方学幻想,我们来到了布兰特林格令人惊叹的黑暗大陆神话谱系图——欧洲对非洲的看法,充满了黑暗和恐怖。让我来给一些灵活的阅读的想法,在一个令人耳目一新的坚持中达到高潮,我们“看到”(用康拉德在他的《那喀索斯的黑鬼》序言中的话说)《黑暗的心》可怕的模棱两可,这篇文章拒绝将其统一解释为揭露刚果的暴行或短暂的印象主义。也许《黑暗的统治》最重要的命令是,我们抛开了帝国主义的狭隘定义,即19世纪晚期欧洲国家对新领土的占领。布兰特林格坚持认为,维多利亚早期和中期的人在他们的作品中表达了帝国主义的意识形态,帝国主义“被理解为一种不断发展但普遍存在的对世界其他地区的态度和思想,影响了维多利亚和爱德华时代文化的各个方面”(8)。但是,这一套态度和思想在整个世纪都经历了深刻的变化,正如他在分析中所展示的那样,从对野蛮的“他者”的充满希望的福音改革转变为一种腐朽、颓废的感觉。以及本世纪末“改善”企业的损失。在这两者之间,布兰特林格指出,弗雷德里克·马里亚特的故事为“19世纪30年代模仿他的航海作家们蓬勃发展起来的帝国主义冒险小说树立了模式……直到哈格德、史蒂文森、吉卜林和康拉德”(49),植物学湾的文学表达了“整个移民和殖民文学”的矛盾特征。移民本身是被社会抛弃、与社会格格不入还是罪犯?如果是这样,他们怎么能被视为一个帝国的先锋,这个帝国的目标不亚于半神性,将非西方世界从黑暗和野蛮中拯救出来”(113)。这个问题的提出体现了布兰特林格的研究的特别之处,他对所有帝国主义话语中隐含的深层矛盾的识别和持续阐述。《黑暗法则》的另一个优点是,它冷静地运用了福柯关于权力和监视的理论。不像许多评论家,他们在叙述的时候就会编造出纪律设计,布兰特林格在阅读菲利普·梅多斯·泰勒的《一个暴徒的自白》(1839)和理查德·巴顿爵士的《麦地那和麦加朝圣的个人叙述》(1855)时,提出了有说服力的证据,证明知识就是力量,英印警察对印度暴徒的全面揭露和西方科学的人类学监视,产生并复制了帝国统治。…
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nineteenth Century Prose
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