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Introduction on International Political Economy 国际政治经济学导论
Pub Date : 2013-03-31 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2242404
Dr. Mukesh Kumar Mishra
The world economic system is now integrated, in the increased cross-border flows of goods and capital and in the sustained activity of institutions like the UNCTAD, World Trade Organization and other regional organization. In such a world, domestic political and economic dynamics have global implications. International Political Economy (IPE), an interdisciplinary field that focuses on the interplay relations between politics and economics.
由于货物和资本越境流动的增加以及贸发会议、世界贸易组织和其他区域组织等机构的持续活动,世界经济制度现在已经一体化。在这样一个世界里,国内政治和经济动态具有全球影响。国际政治经济学(IPE)是一个跨学科领域,主要研究政治与经济之间的相互作用关系。
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引用次数: 0
UN Peacekeeping Economies and Local Sex Industries: Connections and Implications 联合国维持和平经济与当地性产业:联系和影响
Pub Date : 2009-09-14 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1488842
K. Jennings, Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic
“Peacekeeping economies” have not been subject to much analysis of either their economic or socio-cultural and political impacts. This paper uses a gendered lens to explore some ramifications and lasting implications of peacekeeping economies, drawing on examples from four post-conflict countries with past or ongoing United Nations peacekeeping missions: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Liberia, and Haiti. The paper is particularly concerned with the interplay between the peacekeeping economy and the sex industry. It examines some of the characteristics and impacts of peacekeeping economies, arguing that these are highly gendered – but that the “normalization” of peacekeeping economies allows these effects to be overlooked or obscured. It also contends that these gendered characteristics and impacts have (or are likely to have) broad and lasting consequences. Finally, the paper considers the initial impacts of UN efforts to tackle negative impacts of peacekeeping economies, particularly the zero-tolerance policy against sexual exploitation and the effort to “mainstream” gender and promote gender equality in and through peacekeeping. The paper suggests that the existence and potential longterm perpetuation of a highly gendered peacekeeping economy threatens to undermine the gender goals and objectives that are a component of most peace operations.
对“维持和平经济”的经济或社会文化和政治影响的分析不多。本文以波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那、科索沃、利比里亚和海地这四个过去或正在执行联合国维和任务的冲突后国家为例,从性别角度探讨维和经济的一些后果和持久影响。这篇论文特别关注维和经济与性产业之间的相互作用。它审查了维持和平经济的一些特点和影响,认为这些特点和影响是高度性别化的,但维持和平经济的“正常化”使这些影响被忽视或模糊。它还认为,这些性别特征和影响具有(或可能具有)广泛和持久的后果。最后,本文考虑了联合国努力解决维和经济负面影响的初步影响,特别是对性剥削的零容忍政策,以及在维和行动中“主流化”性别并通过维和行动促进性别平等的努力。该文件表明,高度性别化的维持和平经济的存在和潜在的长期延续可能会破坏性别目标和目标,而性别目标和目标是大多数和平行动的组成部分。
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引用次数: 57
Can the North Sea Still Save Europe? 北海还能拯救欧洲吗?
Pub Date : 2007-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/j.1753-0237.2008.00146.x
C. Nakhle
In the 1980s and 1990s the North Sea emerged as a key non-Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries oil-producing province. Yet today overall production is declining, in both the British and Norwegian sectors, and the big oil companies and investors are losing interest in what they now see as a mature province. But apparent maturity is not a bar to new prospects and new possibilities. This paper analyses not merely the still significant potential of the North Sea, but also the wider and increasingly attractive prospects offered by the opening up of the High North, the Barents Sea and part of the Arctic region-all areas of rapidly growing interest that are on Europe's doorstep. Success will depend heavily on key questions such as the world oil price trend, technological advance and the structure of fiscal regimes for oil and gas extraction. But the opportunities are there and they could be to Europe's great advantage. Copyright 2008 The Author. Journal compilation 2008 Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries.
在20世纪80年代和90年代,北海成为石油输出国组织以外重要的产油省。然而,如今英国和挪威的石油总产量都在下降,大型石油公司和投资者对这个他们眼中的成熟省份失去了兴趣。但表面上的成熟并不是通往新前景和新可能性的障碍。本文不仅分析了北海的巨大潜力,还分析了高北地区、巴伦支海和部分北极地区的开放所提供的更广阔、更有吸引力的前景——所有这些地区都是欧洲家门口迅速增长的兴趣所在。成功与否将在很大程度上取决于一些关键问题,比如世界油价趋势、技术进步以及油气开采的财政体制结构。但机会就在那里,而且它们可能对欧洲大有好处。版权所有2008作者。石油输出国组织2008年期刊汇编。
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引用次数: 8
The Constitutionalisation of International Trade Law 国际贸易法的宪法化
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1881650
Anne Peters, K. Armingeon, Karolina Milewicz, Simone Peter
Empirical research lends support to the idea of a, "multi-speed globe," of differentiated (fragmented) constitutionalisation, rather than a fully-fledged integrative constitutional process. "Variable geometry," on the global scale could acknowledge irreconcilable differences between nation states.A prominent candidate for one fragment of this variable global constitutionalisation is the World Trade Organization (WTO). Constitutionalisation of the WTO means an evolution from constitution to constitutionalism within this organisation.A core constitutional issue is the public interest. The concept of, "public interest," can be used in various ways. Exception and limitation clauses play an important role in the constitutionalist reconstruction of international law.The WTO is so far only modestly constitutionalised, but could and should be further constitutionalised. Further constitutionalisation of the WTO should comprise the following reforms: upgrading non-trade concerns such as the environment in the treaty language itself, liberalisation in trade sectors in which poor countries can compete, empowerment of individuals by enabling at least indirect participation in secondary law-making (parliamentary dimension) and dispute settlement (direct effect), streamlining of the decision-making and law-making processes by reviving the legally available options for majority voting and judicial review of WTO acts.
实证研究支持“多速全球”的观点,即差异化(碎片化)的宪政,而不是成熟的一体化宪政进程。在全球范围内,“可变几何”可以承认民族国家之间不可调和的差异。世界贸易组织(WTO)是这种多变的全球宪法化的一个突出的候选组织。世贸组织宪法化是指世贸组织内部由宪法向宪政的演变。一个核心的宪法问题是公共利益。“公共利益”的概念可以有多种用法。例外与限制条款在国际法的宪政重建中发挥着重要作用。到目前为止,WTO的宪法化程度并不高,但它可以也应该进一步宪法化。进一步使世贸组织宪制化应包括下列改革:提升非贸易问题,例如条约语言本身的环境问题,在穷国可以竞争的贸易部门自由化,通过使个人至少间接参与次级立法(议会层面)和争端解决(直接影响)来赋予个人权力,通过恢复对世贸组织法案进行多数表决和司法审查的法律上可用的选择来简化决策和立法过程。
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引用次数: 7
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PSN: Other Political Institutions: International Institutions (Topic)
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