Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0004
J. Havard
This chapter re-examines the party-political career of Edmund Burke and the writings of Maria Edgeworth in relation to a deep history of Anglo-Irish ‘discontents’ and their challenges to the ‘count’ of politics. Complicating ‘Burkean’ appeals to hierarchy and order, the chapter uncovers the conflicted party identity that is apparent within writings by and about Edmund Burke, returning to view the various channels of feeling engaged, for example, during his involvement in debates over ‘absentee’ landlords. The chapter goes on to give a reading of The Absentee (1812) that calls attention to recalcitrant elements that exceed systems of representation in Edgeworth’s novel, which remains animated in this reading by those elements left behind, in both senses, by emergent systems of governance. The chapter’s opening section speculates about the role of biography in Lewis Namier’s History of Parliament and asks how the novel form, in the hands of women writers, provided unique vantage points on political systems organized around men.
这一章重新审视了埃德蒙·伯克的政党政治生涯和玛丽亚·埃奇沃斯的著作，与盎格鲁-爱尔兰人的“不满”和他们对政治“伯爵”的挑战的深刻历史有关。使“伯克主义”对等级和秩序的诉求更加复杂，本章揭示了在埃德蒙·伯克的作品中以及关于埃德蒙·伯克的作品中明显存在的冲突的党派身份，回到了不同的情感参与渠道，例如，在他参与关于“缺席”地主的辩论期间。这一章继续对《缺席者》(1812)进行解读，让人们注意到艾奇沃斯小说中超越代表体系的反抗因素，这些因素在阅读中仍然充满活力，在两种意义上，都是由新兴的治理体系留下的。本章的开篇部分推测了传记在刘易斯·纳米尔(Lewis Namier)的《议会史》(History of Parliament)中所扮演的角色，并询问了女性作家手中的小说形式如何为研究以男性为中心的政治体系提供了独特的优势。
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0003
J. Havard
This chapter shows how Samuel Johnson’s authorial persona focalized a larger crisis of political and literary authority during the period spanning the American War and the French Revolution. Where Johnson’s commitment to absolute sovereignty set him at odds with changing conceptions of power, the ‘warm Toryism’ of James Boswell allowed him to navigate the onset of Britain’s counter-revolutionary turn and its imperial correlatives with far greater success. These changing conceptions of authority converged in Boswell’s monumental biography, which thereby illuminates crucial changes to the relationship between literature and politics. Through Johnson’s reputation in America and posthumous satires about his views on popular revolution, the chapter shows how Johnson’s dogmatic views on authority, together with his volatile personality, infused both his writings and his politics with uncertainty. Boswell’s depiction of Johnson in his 1791 Life of Johnson in turn acquired heightened and transformed significance amidst fears of anti-royalist unrest and the explosion of plebeian political activity associated with the aftermath of the French Revolution, and, to an important and neglected degree, was the product of both this changing political atmosphere and changing conceptions of the literary domain.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0007
J. Havard
The Conclusion looks ahead to the political and literary changes that accompanied the transition into the Victorian age, drawing a contrast between recent critical discussions of the ‘liberal’ subject and this book’s more unsettled account of the interaction between literary forms and the political arena. The 1820s and ’30s—examined here with reference to contemporary accounts of Byron and Austen as well as George Eliot’s later Felix Holt (1866)—look ahead to subsequent efforts to harmonize literary and political domains and to subsume earlier political divides within changed conceptions of governance and of the political nation. As the Conclusion demonstrates, these appeals to a coming age of equipoise not only consigned the unrest around the French Revolution to a closed past; neglect of the directly preceding decades amounted, at least in places, to strategic erasure, as the Conclusion shows through a series of examples including the novels of Sir Walter Scott. By contrast with these later efforts to maintain an autonomous literary or artistic domain, the authors addressed in this book emphasize an account of authorship as in the thick or the margins of a messy political world (whether the authors in question liked this fact or not). Literature thereby helped, directly or otherwise, to introduce alternative possibilities into the political arena, if only as a reimagined role for literary authorship itself.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0002
J. Havard
This chapter examines the extent to which The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman by Laurence Sterne engaged with politics. Beginning with Sterne’s fleeting involvement in Whig political journalism, the chapter shows how these early experiences as a writer coincided with dramatic changes to the organization of partisanship and the emergence of cynicism towards the political establishment as such. Tristram Shandy took shape, the chapter goes on to show, in relation both to the changing parameters of political activity and to a growing impulse to escape from politics altogether. Taking cues from a Dublin-published pamphlet that imagined Tristram entering into the fray of political activity, the chapter brings into focus the diverse political trajectories that Sterne incorporated into his fiction—and the ways they were subsequently closed down or rerouted by the ongoing composition and reception of his works and with the onset of his sentimental reputation.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198833130.003.0001
J. Havard
This first chapter provides an overview of some of the changing guises taken by disaffected political attitudes between the 1688 Revolution and the onset of liberal governance in the early nineteenth century, examining how these took shape across a range of genres, including Nahum Tate’s poetry, the writings of Jonathan Swift, a 1770 visual print, and the early nineteenth-century periodical Egeria. The chapter attends to historical flashpoints including the fall of Robert Walpole and the movement around John Wilkes (by way of attention to the ‘parties’ assembled around a 1770 theatrical controversy) and concludes with attention to the ‘political science’ and reimagined sympathies that accompanied the transition into nineteenth-century liberalism. The chapter thus provides broad frameworks in which to locate the detailed case studies that follow and introduces this book’s expanded approach to the ‘parties’ of political activity.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198833130.003.0006
J. Havard
This chapter examines Byron’s poetry in relation to his continuing attachment to an oppositional ‘party’ role, on the one hand, and his cultivated detachment from English politics, on the other. Byron wrote The Vision of Judgment, his 1821 riposte to Robert Southey’s Tory celebration of the reign of George III, from what he described as a ‘Whig point of view’. Rather than aligning with the ‘devil’s party’ of a Satanic opposition or cultivating a checked-out, bemused, indifferent stance, that poem—in common with Byron’s late satirical poetry more widely—established a stance at once of crisp detachment and incipient political critique (one that, in consigning the political world left undone by George III to oblivion, looked back to preceding decades of oppositional dynamism). Byron thereby provides a test-case for this book’s wider arguments about the relationships between literature and politics—and more specifically between partisanship and disaffection—bringing into focus the contours of a combative, snarling ‘cynicism’ and ways of seeing beyond politics altogether.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-28DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198833130.003.0005
J. Havard
This chapter revises accounts of the early nineteenth-century rightward turn in Britain by emphasizing that shift’s Tory character and affective dimension. Examining how the cultural logic of this ‘late’ Toryism took shape in and beyond political culture, the chapter takes up Jane Austen’s Mansfield Park (1814) as its central case. Austen’s novel was not only compatible with the reinvention of royal prerogative and increased emphasis on order but actively sought to bolster their operations. Rather than aligning Austen’s authorship entirely with this shift, however, detailed attention to the novel reveals challenges (in the guise of characters who exceed their ‘place’) to the harmonious workings of this wider cultural-political system. The chapter concludes by reflecting on how those elements of Mansfield Park that threaten to elude these channels of control—and the ‘wayward’ heroines of her novels, beginning with Elizabeth Bennet of Pride and Prejudice—call the political status of Austen’s own writings into question.
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