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A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I最新文献

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Wild and Bitter Fruits and Royal Pains 野生的苦果和皇家的痛苦
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0003
B. O’Leary
This chapter portrays the formation of early modern Ireland through to the formation and defeat of the United Irishmen. The conquest, and three subsequent reconquests, of Ulster and Ireland over two centuries, and their legacies, are traced. The reactive fusion of the Gaelic Irish and the Old English in the first manifestations of modern Irish nationalism are treated. The plantation of Ulster, the Ulster Rising of 1641, the War of the Three Kingdoms, and the Cromwellian conquest and its legacies are surveyed in turn, before a comparative portrayal of the penal laws and the impacts of the American and French revolutions are introduced. The costs of the failure of the United Irishmen are assessed.
这一章描绘了早期现代爱尔兰的形成,直到联合爱尔兰人的形成和失败。两个世纪以来对阿尔斯特和爱尔兰的征服和随后的三次再征服,以及他们的遗产,都被记录下来。盖尔爱尔兰语和古英语在现代爱尔兰民族主义的第一次表现的反应性融合被处理。在介绍刑法的比较描述以及美国和法国革命的影响之前,依次考察了阿尔斯特种植园、1641年阿尔斯特起义、三国战争、克伦威尔征服及其遗产。评估了联合爱尔兰人失败的代价。
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引用次数: 0
Overlooked by the Tall Kingdom before Dying of Political Economy 政治经济学死前被高大的王国所忽视
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0004
B. O’Leary
This chapter examines Ireland’s political experience during the first half of the Union. Among the subjects surveyed are the long delay in Catholic emancipation, the continuation of administrative colonialism, and the emergence of fiscal dependence and highly uneven economic development that culminated in the Great Famine. The latter’s significance is assessed. The author argues that, just as manslaughter should be distinguished from homicide, so “geno-slaughter” better accounts for what occurred than genocide. The limitations of efforts to make Ireland British are assessed, and the development of state–church relations critically evaluated. Protestant Ulster’s resistance to O’Connell’s movement for Repeal of the Union is assessed, as is the return of Presbyterians toward a pan-Protestant coalition against reenergized Irish Catholicism.
本章考察了爱尔兰在欧盟前半段的政治经历。调查对象包括天主教解放的长期拖延,行政殖民主义的持续,财政依赖和高度不平衡的经济发展的出现,最终导致了大饥荒。评估了后者的重要性。作者认为,正如过失杀人应该与杀人区分开来一样,“基因屠杀”也比种族灭绝更能说明所发生的事情。对使爱尔兰成为英国的努力的局限性进行了评估,并对政教关系的发展进行了批判性评估。新教阿尔斯特人对奥康奈尔废除联合运动的抵制,以及长老会对泛新教联盟的回归进行了评估,以对抗重新焕发活力的爱尔兰天主教。
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引用次数: 0
“ ’Twas better to die ’neath an Irish Sky, than at Suvla, or Sud-el-Bar” “宁可死在爱尔兰的天空下,也不要死在苏夫拉或苏德艾尔巴”
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0006
B. O’Leary
This chapter demonstrates the significance of the First World War in the partial successes of Irish republicanism and Ulster unionism. The run-up to the 1916 Rising was preceded by significant evidence of declining support for Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. The 1916 Rising, British wartime policy, and the elections of 1918 are examined to demonstrate the weakening of British authority in Ireland. The Rising itself was more rational and less romantic than it is typically portrayed. The British decision to ignore the election outcomes in Ireland at the end of the First World War led militant republicans to return to armed combat, conducting a guerrilla war of independence. The partition of Ireland and the war of independence are surveyed before a puzzle is addressed: why did the English prove incapable of federalizing their dominions and their dependencies in the Isles? The development of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism are examined in their comparative European context. The UVF’s significance is emphasized in blocking Ireland’s comprehensive secession and in the formation of Northern Ireland.
这一章展示了第一次世界大战在爱尔兰共和主义和阿尔斯特联合主义的部分成功中的意义。在1916年起义之前,雷德蒙德的爱尔兰议会党的支持率明显下降。1916年起义,英国战时政策,以及1918年的选举,都是为了证明英国在爱尔兰权威的削弱。崛起本身比它通常描绘的更理性,更不浪漫。第一次世界大战结束时,英国决定无视爱尔兰的选举结果,导致激进的共和派重返武装战斗,进行了一场独立的游击战。爱尔兰的分裂和独立战争在一个谜题被解决之前进行了调查:为什么英国人不能将他们在群岛上的领土和属地联邦化?爱尔兰民族主义和阿尔斯特联合主义的发展在他们的比较欧洲的背景下进行了审查。UVF的重要性被强调在阻止爱尔兰的全面分离和北爱尔兰的形成。
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引用次数: 0
An Audit of Violence after 1966 1966年后的暴力审计
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0001
B. O’Leary
This chapter provides a systematic and partly comparative survey of the scale of political violence in Northern Ireland 1966–2006, with some additional materials related to the broader costs of the conflict. Graphs and charts depict primary patterns of violence, victims of violence, agents held responsible for violence, the human and economic costs, and disputes over culpabilities and consequences. In specific locales the conflict was deeply intense, in others few suffered—explanations are provided for this spatial variation. Inaccurate accounts of the patterns of violence are corrected. The damage done to UK and Irish democracy and constitutionalism are assessed. The benefits that have accrued since a largely successful peace process came to fruition are also highlighted.
本章对1966-2006年北爱尔兰政治暴力的规模进行了系统的、部分比较的调查,并提供了一些与冲突的更广泛代价有关的额外材料。图形和图表描述了暴力的主要模式、暴力受害者、应对暴力负责的人员、人力和经济成本,以及对罪责和后果的争议。在某些特定的地方,冲突非常激烈,而在其他地方,冲突很少发生——对这种空间差异提供了解释。对暴力模式的不准确描述得到纠正。对英国和爱尔兰的民主和宪政造成的损害进行了评估。还强调了自一个基本成功的和平进程取得成果以来所产生的利益。
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引用次数: 0
Crying Aloud for Vengeance and the Power of a Colonial Caste 大声呼唤复仇和殖民种姓的力量
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0005
B. O’Leary
In the latter half of the Union, participation crises occurred across the institutional spectrum, with many Irish men and women choosing exit rather than voice or loyalty. That, however, produced a better-resourced Irish diaspora in an emergent great power. Catholics achieved some limited social mobility, but experienced regression in some occupations; by contrast, Presbyterians more clearly benefited from pan-Protestantism. The churches deepened their institutional strength in education, including higher education. The undemocratic character of the Union is emphasized in this chapter, but the secret ballot and the eventual widening of the male franchise made more visible what had long been evident: most Irish Catholics preferred repeal of the Union, home rule, or independence, or some variant thereof. The expanded electorate, in conjunction with modernization, underpinned the electoral solidification of nationalism and unionism, respectively supported by cultural Catholics and cultural Protestants, especially in Ulster, where polarization was deepest. The formation of Irish nationalism and republicanism in party formats, initially focused on land rights and home rule, and the countermovement of Irish and Ulster unionism are treated. The First World War postponed conflict in a newly para-militarized Ireland.
在欧盟的后半段,参与危机发生在整个体制范围内,许多爱尔兰男女选择退出,而不是发声或忠诚。然而,这在一个新兴大国中产生了资源更丰富的爱尔兰侨民。天主教徒实现了一定程度的社会流动性,但在某些职业中经历了倒退;相比之下,长老会更明显地受益于泛新教。教会加强了在教育,包括高等教育方面的机构力量。本章强调了联邦的不民主性质,但无记名投票和最终扩大男性选举权使长期以来显而易见的事情更加明显:大多数爱尔兰天主教徒倾向于废除联邦、地方自治或独立,或其某种变体。选民的扩大,加上现代化,巩固了民族主义和联合主义在选举中的固化,分别得到文化天主教徒和文化新教徒的支持,尤其是在两极分化最深的阿尔斯特。以政党形式形成的爱尔兰民族主义和共和主义,最初侧重于土地权利和地方自治,以及爱尔兰和阿尔斯特联合主义的反运动。第一次世界大战推迟了新军事化的爱尔兰的冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Scratches across the Heart 划过心脏的划痕
Pub Date : 2019-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780199243341.003.0007
B. O’Leary
RRThis chapter clarifies the concept of partition, and then evaluates the partition of Ireland, comparing it with the colonial partitions of Palestine and British India, as well as other cases. Types of partition are carefully distinguished, and explanations for their emergence are evaluated, as well as the justifications that usually accompany them. The actual partition of Ireland is appraised against potentially fairer partitions. The failure of the Irish Boundary Commission provided for in the Treaty of 1921 ratified by the Westminster and Dublin parliaments is explained. An assessment is made of the degree to which fraud and deceit occurred in the making of the treaty that specified how partition might be modified.
本章澄清了分治的概念,然后对爱尔兰的分治进行了评价,并将其与殖民地对巴勒斯坦和英属印度的分治以及其他案例进行了比较。仔细区分了划分的类型,并评估了对其出现的解释,以及通常伴随它们的理由。爱尔兰的实际分割是根据可能更公平的分割来评估的。解释了威斯敏斯特和都柏林议会批准的1921年条约中规定的爱尔兰边界委员会的失败。评估在制定规定如何修改分治的条约过程中发生欺诈和欺骗的程度。
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引用次数: 0
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A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume I
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