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Frontiers of Philosophy in China最新文献

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The Tianzhu Shilu Revisited: China’s First Window into Western Scholasticism 《天柱实录》再访:中国进入西方经院的第一扇窗
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-16 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0013-7
Daniel Canaris
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引用次数: 2
The Limits of a Confrontational Approach: Fabian Fukansai’s Critiques of Neo-Confucianism and Christianity 对抗方法的局限——费边对理学和基督教的批判
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0012-0
Y. Orii
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the Special Theme “Transmission of Western Learning in China” 专题“西学在中国的传播”介绍
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0011-3
T. Meynard
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引用次数: 0
Revelation or Reason? Two Opposing Interpretations of the Confucian Classics during the Chinese Rites Controversy 启示还是理性?中国礼教之争中对儒家经典的两种对立解读
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0017-5
Wang Niecai
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引用次数: 0
The Deaths of One Conceptual Metaphor in Two Languages 两种语言中一种概念隐喻的消亡
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0019-9
Callisto Searle
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引用次数: 0
Encounter between Soul and Human Nature: An Examination of Xia Dachang’s “Xingshuo” 灵魂与人性的相遇——夏大昌《星说》评析
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0016-8
Huang Zhipeng
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引用次数: 0
Motivation to Act in Confucianism and Christianity: In Matteo Ricci’s The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven ( Tianzhu Shiyi 天主實義) 儒教与基督教的行动动机——从利玛窦《天主的真意》看
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0014-4
M. Ferrero
Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), known in China as Li Madou (利瑪竇), is one of the few foreigners who have gained a place in Chinese history, and whose name many educated Chinese recognize. After four years in India, in 1582 Ricci joined his confrère Michele Ruggieri (1543–1607) in Macao, at the order of the famous visitor of the Asian missions, Alessandro Valignano (1539–1606). Valignano implemented a program of cultural accommodation and linguistic immersion for missionaries in East Asia, and found allies in Ruggieri and Ricci. To stay permanently in China, the two befriended officials in Guangdong province, and at their suggestion, introduced themselves as Buddhist monks from the West, shaving their heads and wearing the monk’s robes from 1583 to 1594. Ruggieri’s first exposition of Catholic doctrine, The True Record of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 , 1585), even used some Buddhist vocabulary. By the late 1580s, Ricci assumed the cultural leadership of the mission, and started to shift towards the new identity of the Confucian literatus. He spent much of his time reading and translating the texts of the Confucian tradition. Following the advice of friendly literati, he also adopted in 1594 the silken robes and hat of Confucian scholars. Ricci’s The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 , 1603) emerged out of this shift in identity, but also out of a peculiarly favorable environment for new ideas in the late Ming period. Once Ricci had sufficient linguistic command, and felt comfortable in the Confucian curriculum, he set out to impress the literati with a mix of moral, religious, and scientific teachings, eventually dubbed Tianxue 天學 or Celestial Teachings. Confucian scholars in the late Ming prized the study of ethical questions, a staple of Chinese philosophy for two millennia. Some of them, moreover, were open to religious experimentation. Ricci was able to rely on his knowledge of natural and mathematical sciences, Greek and Roman philosophy, Christian theology, and the Confucian classical tradition, to engage important intellectuals, often in public fashion. By the mid-1590s, he had left the deep south, moving to central China, and he tried in 1598 to establish himself in the imperial capital of Beijing. After a setback there, he moved to the secondary capital of Nanjing, in the great cultural hub of the Jiangnan region. By 1601, however, he left again Nanjing for the north, this time succeeding
利玛窦(1552-1610),中国人称李马斗(利瑪竇), 是中国历史上为数不多的获得一席之地的外国人之一,许多受过教育的中国人都承认他的名字。在印度呆了四年后,1582年,利玛窦应亚洲使团的著名访客亚历山德罗·瓦利亚诺(1539-1606)的命令,加入了他在澳门的米歇尔·鲁杰里(1543-1607)会议。瓦利亚诺为东亚的传教士实施了一项文化适应和语言沉浸的计划,并在鲁杰里和利玛窦建立了盟友。为了永久留在中国,两人结识了广东省的官员,并在他们的建议下,介绍自己是来自西方的佛教僧侣,从1583年到1594年,他们剃光头,穿着僧袍。鲁对天主教教义的第一次阐述,《天主实录》(《天柱实录》)天主實錄 , 1585年),甚至使用了一些佛教词汇。到了1580年代末,利玛窦承担了文化领导的使命,并开始向儒家文人的新身份转变。他花了很多时间阅读和翻译儒家传统的文本。在友好文人的建议下,他还于1594年采用了儒生的丝绸长袍和帽子。利玛窦的《天尊真谛》天主實義 , 1603)产生于这种身份的转变,但也源于晚明时期新思想的特殊有利环境。一旦利玛窦掌握了足够的语言能力,并对儒家课程感到满意,他就开始用道德、宗教和科学的教义给文人留下深刻印象,最终被称为天学天學 或天课。晚明的儒家学者重视伦理问题的研究,这是两千年来中国哲学的主要内容。此外,他们中的一些人对宗教实验持开放态度。利玛窦能够依靠他对自然科学和数学科学、希腊和罗马哲学、基督教神学以及儒家古典传统的了解,经常以公开的方式吸引重要的知识分子。到1590年代中期,他离开了南方腹地,搬到了中国中部,并于1598年试图在帝都北京站稳脚跟。在那里遭遇挫折后,他搬到了位于江南地区伟大文化中心的第二首都南京。然而,到1601年,他再次离开南京北上,这次成功了
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引用次数: 1
Luck, Control, and Contrastive Explanation 运气、控制与对比解释
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0018-2
Xu Xiangdong
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引用次数: 0
What the “Failure” of Aristotelian Logic in Seventeenth Century China Teaches Us Today: A Case Study of the Mingli Tan 十七世纪中国亚里士多德逻辑的“失败”给我们今天的启示——以谭明理为例
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0015-1
T. Meynard
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引用次数: 1
Scot Barnett, Rhetorical Realism: Rhetoric, Ethics, and the Ontology of Things. New York: Routledge, 2017, 243 pp., $92.00, ISBN: 9781138648210 斯科特·巴内特,《修辞现实主义:修辞学、伦理学和事物本体论》。纽约:Routledge,2017,243页,92.00美元,国际标准书号:9781138648210
4区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.3868/S030-008-019-0021-0
Gregory L. Burgin
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Frontiers of Philosophy in China
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