Genocide: A Normative Account, by Larry May, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 296 pp., ISBN: 978-0-521-12296-2Abstract: Academics studying genocide are required, amid the exigency of predicting and preventing further instances of this crime, to extend their efforts so as to connect with policy makers, provide vital information, respond to particular instances of genocide or state-inspired genocida! campaigns, and prompt a political will to intervene at any stage in this crime. May2 starts by placing genocide studies in the normative foundation of this discipline. In this work, which stands as the fourth volume of a broader project that assesses the "conceptual and normative underpinnings of this 'crime of crimes'", genocide is treated as the most serious of all international crimes. May calls for additional work to be performed to include other forms and conceptualizations of genocide such as cultural genocide and ethnic cleansing. The book outlines the fundamental concepts behind the crime, its study, and the discipline, while offering a unique presentation of "special problems of genocide". It also considers steps that should be taken forward with the view of facilitating reconciliation. May refers to war as the final response to genocidaI situations, not the first, stating that, "there are situations where there is not unambiguous groups of victims". Thus, humanitarian intervention, as a viable approach to mitigating acts of genocide, is still difficult to justify.Keywords: genocide, humanitarian intervention, Rwanda massacresThe study of genocide as an exceptional academic discipline still faces scores of challenges irrespective of its attempts to build upon critical knowledge and understanding amid the exigency of predicting and preventing further instances of this crime. Consequently, academics working in this discipline are required, to an overwhelming degree, to extend their efforts well beyond the ivory tower so as to connect with policy makers in government positions, provide vital information about crimes against humanity, respond to particular instances of genocide or state-inspired genocidal campaigns, and bring about the creation of a political will to intervene at any stage in this crime. Presently, however, a rather poor track record has been displayed within the paradigm of genocide studies when it comes to prohibiting genocides on multiple levels and in all categories of intensity and scale.In order to make a rare contribution to the many debates stemming from the field of genocide studies, May starts by placing the inherent problems of this discipline within the context of its normative, moral, and international criminal law foundations. Originally conceived of as what he describes as a paper-length project, this work stands as the fourth volume of a much broader project that brilliantly and cogently assesses the "conceptual and normative underpinnings of this 'crime of crimes'" (p. 1). Genocide is treated as the most serious
{"title":"Genocide: A Normative Account","authors":"S. Romaniuk","doi":"10.5860/choice.48-1129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.48-1129","url":null,"abstract":"Genocide: A Normative Account, by Larry May, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 296 pp., ISBN: 978-0-521-12296-2Abstract: Academics studying genocide are required, amid the exigency of predicting and preventing further instances of this crime, to extend their efforts so as to connect with policy makers, provide vital information, respond to particular instances of genocide or state-inspired genocida! campaigns, and prompt a political will to intervene at any stage in this crime. May2 starts by placing genocide studies in the normative foundation of this discipline. In this work, which stands as the fourth volume of a broader project that assesses the \"conceptual and normative underpinnings of this 'crime of crimes'\", genocide is treated as the most serious of all international crimes. May calls for additional work to be performed to include other forms and conceptualizations of genocide such as cultural genocide and ethnic cleansing. The book outlines the fundamental concepts behind the crime, its study, and the discipline, while offering a unique presentation of \"special problems of genocide\". It also considers steps that should be taken forward with the view of facilitating reconciliation. May refers to war as the final response to genocidaI situations, not the first, stating that, \"there are situations where there is not unambiguous groups of victims\". Thus, humanitarian intervention, as a viable approach to mitigating acts of genocide, is still difficult to justify.Keywords: genocide, humanitarian intervention, Rwanda massacresThe study of genocide as an exceptional academic discipline still faces scores of challenges irrespective of its attempts to build upon critical knowledge and understanding amid the exigency of predicting and preventing further instances of this crime. Consequently, academics working in this discipline are required, to an overwhelming degree, to extend their efforts well beyond the ivory tower so as to connect with policy makers in government positions, provide vital information about crimes against humanity, respond to particular instances of genocide or state-inspired genocidal campaigns, and bring about the creation of a political will to intervene at any stage in this crime. Presently, however, a rather poor track record has been displayed within the paradigm of genocide studies when it comes to prohibiting genocides on multiple levels and in all categories of intensity and scale.In order to make a rare contribution to the many debates stemming from the field of genocide studies, May starts by placing the inherent problems of this discipline within the context of its normative, moral, and international criminal law foundations. Originally conceived of as what he describes as a paper-length project, this work stands as the fourth volume of a much broader project that brilliantly and cogently assesses the \"conceptual and normative underpinnings of this 'crime of crimes'\" (p. 1). Genocide is treated as the most serious ","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"15 1","pages":"86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2015-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71131289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the early 2000s, the United States and European Union have discussed the development of bilateral and regional trade agreements. The TTIP - Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership was announced in February 2013 and is currently under negotiation. The initiative aims at establishing a trade agreement between the two blocs, removing all trade barriers, including the non-tariff ones, in a wide range of economic sectors. The paper looks at several key elements that the bilateral negotiations are set to challenge from the European Union perspective. We focus on the main causes for resistance within the EU towards establishing the agreement, seeking to understand the future framework for international trade for the European states. While the EU continues integration to establish a functioning internal market, still continuing the process of diminishing and eliminating non-tariff barriers among the member states, we examine whether liberalization of trade and investment between the US and the EU will benefit the EU as a whole, considering the current socio-economic trends at the Union’s level.
{"title":"The Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership – A Challenge for the European Union?","authors":"Antonia Colibasanu, Victor-Vlad Grigorescu","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2558431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2558431","url":null,"abstract":"Since the early 2000s, the United States and European Union have discussed the development of bilateral and regional trade agreements. The TTIP - Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership was announced in February 2013 and is currently under negotiation. The initiative aims at establishing a trade agreement between the two blocs, removing all trade barriers, including the non-tariff ones, in a wide range of economic sectors. The paper looks at several key elements that the bilateral negotiations are set to challenge from the European Union perspective. We focus on the main causes for resistance within the EU towards establishing the agreement, seeking to understand the future framework for international trade for the European states. While the EU continues integration to establish a functioning internal market, still continuing the process of diminishing and eliminating non-tariff barriers among the member states, we examine whether liberalization of trade and investment between the US and the EU will benefit the EU as a whole, considering the current socio-economic trends at the Union’s level.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2014-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68203057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper aims to develop a critical approach on one of the most urgent energy security challenges: the Arctic region. Until recently, it was considered to be a frozen desert, upon which no one raised any legal demands or interests. The global warming, the technological development and the increased need for energy resources had transformed the frozen High North into a very hot spot, where states like US, Canada, Norway, Denmark or Russia started an energy race that threatens to escalate. The Arctic became a strategic area given its opportunities: besides the energy resources, new commercial routes could become available for a longer period of time. But, due to legal uncertainties, the lack of coherent and direct legal procedures of international law, the Arctic game is an open one, in which any state can intervene and ask for a solution that is suitable for its interests. This aspect complicates even further the already unstable region. Some of the actors see the region as an international area, as a common good, where everyone has the right to explore or exploit, while the rim states see the Arctic in sovereign rights terms. Therefore, the game tends to complicate as non-rim players (the EU, China, Japan, NATO and South Korea) want to intervene in the region and try to influence its development.
{"title":"Rim Versus Non-Rim States in the Arctic Region: Prospects for a Zero-Sum Game or a Win-Win One?","authors":"Ana-Maria Costea (Ghimis)","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2334161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2334161","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper aims to develop a critical approach on one of the most urgent energy security challenges: the Arctic region. Until recently, it was considered to be a frozen desert, upon which no one raised any legal demands or interests. The global warming, the technological development and the increased need for energy resources had transformed the frozen High North into a very hot spot, where states like US, Canada, Norway, Denmark or Russia started an energy race that threatens to escalate. The Arctic became a strategic area given its opportunities: besides the energy resources, new commercial routes could become available for a longer period of time. But, due to legal uncertainties, the lack of coherent and direct legal procedures of international law, the Arctic game is an open one, in which any state can intervene and ask for a solution that is suitable for its interests. This aspect complicates even further the already unstable region. Some of the actors see the region as an international area, as a common good, where everyone has the right to explore or exploit, while the rim states see the Arctic in sovereign rights terms. Therefore, the game tends to complicate as non-rim players (the EU, China, Japan, NATO and South Korea) want to intervene in the region and try to influence its development.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2013-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/ssrn.2334161","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68113695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The following paper will focus on the issue of the Hungarian minority protection in Slovenia. The first section introduces the Hungarian national minority, its main features and historical evolution. The second one gives a historical view on the practice of minority protection towards Slovene Hungarians, from Communist Yugoslavia to the 'Europeanization' process in the country. Further on, the level of minority protection will be analysed both at theoretical and empirical level: firstly, through the theoretical analysis of the legal status of the Hungarian minority, taking into account five main headings (education, use of language, political participation, cultural life, information and the media); secondly, through the results of a field research carried out among minority members, in order to find out the nature and extent of possible discrepancy between theory and practice. The main research hypothesis is that Slovenia has established a successful model of minority protection in what regards the Hungarians. This statement is to great extent confirmed by the analysis of minority policies and legal provisions and, with some specifications, by the analysis of opinions and feelings of 'qualified witnesses' belonging to the Hungarian community.
{"title":"The Hungarian National Minority in Slovenia: Assessment of Protection and Integration after EU Accession","authors":"Sigrid Lipott","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2334177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2334177","url":null,"abstract":"The following paper will focus on the issue of the Hungarian minority protection in Slovenia. The first section introduces the Hungarian national minority, its main features and historical evolution. The second one gives a historical view on the practice of minority protection towards Slovene Hungarians, from Communist Yugoslavia to the 'Europeanization' process in the country. Further on, the level of minority protection will be analysed both at theoretical and empirical level: firstly, through the theoretical analysis of the legal status of the Hungarian minority, taking into account five main headings (education, use of language, political participation, cultural life, information and the media); secondly, through the results of a field research carried out among minority members, in order to find out the nature and extent of possible discrepancy between theory and practice. The main research hypothesis is that Slovenia has established a successful model of minority protection in what regards the Hungarians. This statement is to great extent confirmed by the analysis of minority policies and legal provisions and, with some specifications, by the analysis of opinions and feelings of 'qualified witnesses' belonging to the Hungarian community.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"13 1","pages":"64-89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2334177","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68113272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the past decades, global governance has become the most active phenomenon of world politics. From economics to politics, from climate change to international security, global governance became responsible for adjusting the international life in the name of the common good, relying on the power and the influence of the global key players. The aim of this paper is to assess the EU’s contribution to global governance architecture by analyzing the strengths of the EU approach with regard to global governance issues. Firstly, I will analyze the European Union ability to use its monolithic power and its key elements to influence the variables of global governance architecture. Put simply, the analysis looks at the internal governance system of the European Union and its analogue reflections for the global governance system. Secondly, I will limit my attention to three key areas of global governance, and I will adopt an analytical approach to identify and explore the EU practices with regard to: world trade, climate change and international security. In the end, I will discuss the EU performance power to act with a single voice on the entire spectrum of global governance.
{"title":"The Power of a Single Voice: The EU’s Contribution to Global Governance Architecture","authors":"A. Postolache","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2142364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2142364","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past decades, global governance has become the most active phenomenon of world politics. From economics to politics, from climate change to international security, global governance became responsible for adjusting the international life in the name of the common good, relying on the power and the influence of the global key players. The aim of this paper is to assess the EU’s contribution to global governance architecture by analyzing the strengths of the EU approach with regard to global governance issues. Firstly, I will analyze the European Union ability to use its monolithic power and its key elements to influence the variables of global governance architecture. Put simply, the analysis looks at the internal governance system of the European Union and its analogue reflections for the global governance system. Secondly, I will limit my attention to three key areas of global governance, and I will adopt an analytical approach to identify and explore the EU practices with regard to: world trade, climate change and international security. In the end, I will discuss the EU performance power to act with a single voice on the entire spectrum of global governance.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2012-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67943894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Presidency of the EU Council is regarded as an influential and useful instrument for domestic political progress of European integration and the issues it brings along. Many academics as well as politicians assume that the EU Council Presidency, which allows any country to be at the centre of European and world media attention for six months, therefore represents a strong potential for domestic socialization. This article investigates that idea at the level of public, analyzing several EU Council presidencies, and the potential impact of these presidencies on the voters' attitudes in the Presidency holding countries on key aspects of the EU. The text's hypothesis refers to the supposition that the EU Presidency in its present form has a positive influence on the support of citizens for European integration and improvement of their information level on the EU.
{"title":"The Influence of the EU Council Presidency on Public Opinion","authors":"Petr Kaniok","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2142365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2142365","url":null,"abstract":"The Presidency of the EU Council is regarded as an influential and useful instrument for domestic political progress of European integration and the issues it brings along. Many academics as well as politicians assume that the EU Council Presidency, which allows any country to be at the centre of European and world media attention for six months, therefore represents a strong potential for domestic socialization. This article investigates that idea at the level of public, analyzing several EU Council presidencies, and the potential impact of these presidencies on the voters' attitudes in the Presidency holding countries on key aspects of the EU. The text's hypothesis refers to the supposition that the EU Presidency in its present form has a positive influence on the support of citizens for European integration and improvement of their information level on the EU.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2012-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67943953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims at investigating the role of integration and trade in the economic development of EU member countries and Armenia, which is one of the six countries of EU Eastern Partnership project. Building on the studies of comparative advantages and peculiarities of the inter and intra – trade of the various countries, the paper provides a general description of export developments and other related factors affecting economic developments in EU member countries, as well as Armenia during the last two decades, especially before and after the world financial-economic crisis. Special attention is paid to both - developed and developing EU member states. This study theoretically and empirically examines various problems in the export structure of the countries and key elements of export development strategy recommended.
{"title":"Study of the Peculiarities of Export Developments in EU Member Countries and in Armenia","authors":"K. Grigoryan","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2142370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2142370","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims at investigating the role of integration and trade in the economic development of EU member countries and Armenia, which is one of the six countries of EU Eastern Partnership project. Building on the studies of comparative advantages and peculiarities of the inter and intra – trade of the various countries, the paper provides a general description of export developments and other related factors affecting economic developments in EU member countries, as well as Armenia during the last two decades, especially before and after the world financial-economic crisis. Special attention is paid to both - developed and developing EU member states. This study theoretically and empirically examines various problems in the export structure of the countries and key elements of export development strategy recommended.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2012-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2142370","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67943448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A certain shift in the Turkish foreign policy has been noticeable over the last decade, especially after the AKP (Justice and Development Party) came to power in 2002, which manifested in closer relations with its Arab neighbors and simultaneously a more aggressive stance towards Israel. These developments have led many researchers to say that Turkey’s activism in the Middle East represents its return towards the East, at the expense of its Europeanization aspirations. The current research paper aims to study the validity of this claim by looking at different sets of interactions between Turkey and its neighbors, through a constructivist lens of competing yet complementary variables.The ascending multilateralism manifested in Turkey’s foreign policy discourse and initiatives has been interpreted by some (Reynolds 2012) as a consequence of the exhaustion of the Kemalist project, while others (vom Hau et al 2012) see it as the logical result of the complex internal and external interactions of modernization and globalization at the level of the Turkish society. The conceptual categories proposed for assessing Turkey’s conduct in relation to other states open up perspectives for exploring further cooperation interactions between Turkey and the EU, on the one hand, and with countries in their shared neighborhood as well.
在过去十年中，土耳其外交政策的某种转变是显而易见的，特别是在2002年正义与发展党(AKP)掌权之后，这表现在与阿拉伯邻国建立更密切的关系，同时对以色列采取更积极的立场。这些发展使得许多研究人员认为，土耳其在中东的激进主义代表着它以牺牲欧洲化的愿望为代价，向东方回归。当前的研究论文旨在通过竞争但互补的变量的建构主义视角，通过观察土耳其与其邻国之间不同的相互作用，来研究这一说法的有效性。一些人(Reynolds 2012)将土耳其外交政策话语和倡议中体现出来的多边主义的上升解释为凯末尔主义项目耗尽的结果，而另一些人(vom Hau et al 2012)则将其视为土耳其社会层面现代化和全球化复杂的内部和外部相互作用的逻辑结果。为评估土耳其与其他国家的关系而提出的概念类别为探索土耳其与欧盟之间以及与其共同邻国之间的进一步合作互动开辟了视角。
{"title":"Competing Variables in Turkey’s Multi-Vector Foreign Policy","authors":"A. Nicolescu","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2142368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2142368","url":null,"abstract":"A certain shift in the Turkish foreign policy has been noticeable over the last decade, especially after the AKP (Justice and Development Party) came to power in 2002, which manifested in closer relations with its Arab neighbors and simultaneously a more aggressive stance towards Israel. These developments have led many researchers to say that Turkey’s activism in the Middle East represents its return towards the East, at the expense of its Europeanization aspirations. The current research paper aims to study the validity of this claim by looking at different sets of interactions between Turkey and its neighbors, through a constructivist lens of competing yet complementary variables.The ascending multilateralism manifested in Turkey’s foreign policy discourse and initiatives has been interpreted by some (Reynolds 2012) as a consequence of the exhaustion of the Kemalist project, while others (vom Hau et al 2012) see it as the logical result of the complex internal and external interactions of modernization and globalization at the level of the Turkish society. The conceptual categories proposed for assessing Turkey’s conduct in relation to other states open up perspectives for exploring further cooperation interactions between Turkey and the EU, on the one hand, and with countries in their shared neighborhood as well.","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"35 1","pages":"51-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2142368","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67943436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-09-01DOI: 10.1007/978-1-137-14140-8_13
Anand Menon
{"title":"THE FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION","authors":"Anand Menon","doi":"10.1007/978-1-137-14140-8_13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-14140-8_13","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42899,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Journal of European Affairs","volume":"3 1","pages":"5-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2003-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"51716081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：