Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.22459/CAEPR35.04.2016
Geoff Buchanan
{"title":"From Samoa to CAEPR via Mumeka: the hybrid economy comes of age","authors":"Geoff Buchanan","doi":"10.22459/CAEPR35.04.2016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/CAEPR35.04.2016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45231,"journal":{"name":"Australian Aboriginal Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68727641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Indigenous participation in Australian economies: historical and anthropological perspectives Ian Keen (ed.) 2010 ANU E Press, Canberra, xi+195pp, ISBN 9781921666865 (pbk) Indigenous participation in Australian economies Il: historical engagements and current enterprises Natasha Fijn, Ian Keen, Christopher Lloyd and Michael Pickering (eds) 2012 AN U E Press, Canberra, ISBN 9781921862830 (pbk) It is a strength of these two volumes that the terms 'participation' and 'economies' mean a variety of things. Indigenous Australians can participate both by producing goods and consuming them, by being employed, unemployed or self-employed, by receiving welfare payments, by producing and consuming within a neo-traditional milieu in a remote region or in a suburb of a city, by working under the supervision of a private boss or a public boss, and under Indigenous or non-Indigenous authority, by hunting, by gathering, by digging minerals or by torching the flora. One ethnographic tradition of research focuses on exchanges among Aborigines, in particular their 'moral economy' in which exchange enacts shared conceptions of relatedness and personhood. Ian Keen refers to Noel Pearson's distinction between the 'real' and 'artificial' economy (made, for example, in Pearson 2009:154-7) as an effort to continue such an Aboriginal understanding: that exchange is or should result in the reproduction of social commitment to Indigenous fellows (and, in Pearson's conception, to non-Indigenous Australians as well). In this conception, the 'economy' is 'society' examined from a certain point of view that highlights routinised exchanges; to exchange is to 'participate'. To get something for nothing is to be outside the exchanges that define economy and society. To the extent that one is supported by unconditional welfare payments, so this argument goes, is to be in an artificial (not 'real') economy and to be 'de-moralised'. To discover this congruence between the ethnographic tradition of writing about 'exchange' and Pearson's critique of 'passive welfare' is one of the rewards of reading Keen, the principal architect of these volumes. Of course, it is possible to dispute Pearson's argument that passive welfare demoralises. Those whose welfare entitlements have reduced their obligation to labour for money are prominent in Lorraine Gibson's ethnography of Wilcannia. As she observes, occupational identity is weak among these Aboriginal people; their sense of worth comes from their unpaid participation in networks of kinship and friendship. In their moral economy, a sense of vocation, career and occupational identity is spurned as a 'white' way of thinking. She reports these people as regarding it as unfortunate that 'coconut' Aborigines (2010, p.134) now think this way, gaining so much of their sense of personhood from their jobs. The culture that Gibson observes in Wilcannia can be seen as an internalised (or defiantly asserted) negative stereotype (the indolent black). Readi
澳大利亚经济中的土著参与:历史和人类学的观点伊恩·基恩(编)2010年澳大利亚国立大学E出版社，堪培拉，xi+195pp, ISBN 9781921666865 (pbk)澳大利亚经济中的土著参与。娜塔莎·费因，伊恩·基恩，克里斯托弗·劳埃德和迈克尔·皮克林(编)2012年AN U E出版社，堪培拉，ISBN 9781921862830 (pbk)这是这两卷的优势，术语“参与”和“经济”意味着各种各样的东西。澳大利亚土著居民可以通过以下方式参与:生产和消费商品;受雇、失业或自雇;领取福利金;在偏远地区或城市郊区的新传统环境中生产和消费;在私人老板或公共老板的监督下工作;在土著或非土著当局的监督下工作;狩猎、采集、挖掘矿物或焚烧植物。一种民族志研究传统侧重于土著居民之间的交流，特别是他们的“道德经济”，在这种交流中，人们分享了关于亲缘关系和人格的概念。伊恩·基恩引用了诺埃尔·皮尔森对“真实”经济和“人工”经济的区分(例如，在皮尔森2009:154-7中提出)，作为继续这种土著理解的努力:交换是或应该导致对土著同胞的社会承诺的再生产(在皮尔森的概念中，对非土著澳大利亚人也是如此)。在这个概念中，“经济”就是从某种角度审视的“社会”，这种角度强调了常规化的交换;交换就是“参与”。不劳而获就是置身于界定经济和社会的交流之外。因此，这种观点认为，在某种程度上，一个人得到无条件福利支付的支持，是在一个人为的(不是“真实的”)经济中，是“去道德化的”。发现关于“交换”的民族志传统写作与皮尔逊对“被动福利”的批评之间的一致性是阅读这些卷的主要建筑师基恩的回报之一。当然，对皮尔逊关于被动福利会使人道德败坏的观点提出质疑是可能的。在洛林•吉布森(Lorraine Gibson)的《威廉尼亚民族志》(wilcania ethnography)中，那些享有福利的人减少了为钱而劳动的义务。正如她所观察到的，这些原住民的职业认同很弱;他们的价值感来自于他们无偿参与的亲属关系和友谊网络。在他们的道德经济中，职业意识、职业和职业身份被视为一种“白人”思维方式而被唾弃。她报告说，这些人认为不幸的是，“椰子”土著人(2010年，第134页)现在以这种方式思考，从他们的工作中获得了如此多的人格意识。吉布森在威尔坎尼亚观察到的文化可以被视为一种内化的(或公然断言的)负面刻板印象(懒惰的黑人)。读了她的论文，我萌生了读“椰子”本身观点的民族志的愿望。职业感和职业感如何使这些土著人——尤其是那些从事白领工作、提供服务和塑造受人尊敬的土著人形象的人——拥有一种有尊严的身份?(伊丽莎白·甘特(Elizabeth Ganter)最近在澳大利亚国立大学发表的一篇未发表的论文对这种观点进行了丰富的记录。)这样一个土著中产阶级的出现是一个惊人的统计事实，也是现在重要的电视连续剧Redfern的主题。同时，吉布森的民族志证实了一种“土著”的方式，在这种方式中，道德经济是通过避免机会和逃避劳动力市场的压力来定义和保障的。因此，我们现在面对的是土著道德经济的两种充满政治色彩的框架，这种框架与所谓的“实体”经济只有微弱的联系。功能性(社会性)是其中一个框架的主题:吉布森的工作回避者过着社交生活，并在抵制劳动力市场的需求中保持自我价值感。…
{"title":"Indigenous Participation in Australian Economies: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives","authors":"T. Rowse","doi":"10.22459/ipae.12.2010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22459/ipae.12.2010","url":null,"abstract":"Indigenous participation in Australian economies: historical and anthropological perspectives Ian Keen (ed.) 2010 ANU E Press, Canberra, xi+195pp, ISBN 9781921666865 (pbk) Indigenous participation in Australian economies Il: historical engagements and current enterprises Natasha Fijn, Ian Keen, Christopher Lloyd and Michael Pickering (eds) 2012 AN U E Press, Canberra, ISBN 9781921862830 (pbk) It is a strength of these two volumes that the terms 'participation' and 'economies' mean a variety of things. Indigenous Australians can participate both by producing goods and consuming them, by being employed, unemployed or self-employed, by receiving welfare payments, by producing and consuming within a neo-traditional milieu in a remote region or in a suburb of a city, by working under the supervision of a private boss or a public boss, and under Indigenous or non-Indigenous authority, by hunting, by gathering, by digging minerals or by torching the flora. One ethnographic tradition of research focuses on exchanges among Aborigines, in particular their 'moral economy' in which exchange enacts shared conceptions of relatedness and personhood. Ian Keen refers to Noel Pearson's distinction between the 'real' and 'artificial' economy (made, for example, in Pearson 2009:154-7) as an effort to continue such an Aboriginal understanding: that exchange is or should result in the reproduction of social commitment to Indigenous fellows (and, in Pearson's conception, to non-Indigenous Australians as well). In this conception, the 'economy' is 'society' examined from a certain point of view that highlights routinised exchanges; to exchange is to 'participate'. To get something for nothing is to be outside the exchanges that define economy and society. To the extent that one is supported by unconditional welfare payments, so this argument goes, is to be in an artificial (not 'real') economy and to be 'de-moralised'. To discover this congruence between the ethnographic tradition of writing about 'exchange' and Pearson's critique of 'passive welfare' is one of the rewards of reading Keen, the principal architect of these volumes. Of course, it is possible to dispute Pearson's argument that passive welfare demoralises. Those whose welfare entitlements have reduced their obligation to labour for money are prominent in Lorraine Gibson's ethnography of Wilcannia. As she observes, occupational identity is weak among these Aboriginal people; their sense of worth comes from their unpaid participation in networks of kinship and friendship. In their moral economy, a sense of vocation, career and occupational identity is spurned as a 'white' way of thinking. She reports these people as regarding it as unfortunate that 'coconut' Aborigines (2010, p.134) now think this way, gaining so much of their sense of personhood from their jobs. The culture that Gibson observes in Wilcannia can be seen as an internalised (or defiantly asserted) negative stereotype (the indolent black). Readi","PeriodicalId":45231,"journal":{"name":"Australian Aboriginal Studies","volume":"2013 1","pages":"98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68729069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink — cultural translator and interpreter — and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ‘commons’, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ‘rights-based’ discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground.
{"title":"The arrogance of ethnography: Managing anthropological research knowledge","authors":"S. Holcombe","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2239499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2239499","url":null,"abstract":"The ethnographic method is a core feature of anthropological practice. This locally intensive research enables insight into local praxis and culturally relative practices that would otherwise not be possible. Indeed, empathetic engagement is only possible in this close and intimate encounter. However, this paper argues that this method can also provide the practitioner with a false sense of his or her own knowing and expertise and, indeed, with arrogance. And the boundaries between the anthropologist as knowledge sink — cultural translator and interpreter — and the knowledge of the local knowledge owners can become opaque. Globalisation and the knowledge ‘commons’, exemplified by Google, also highlight the increasing complexities in this area of the governance and ownership of knowledge. Our stronghold of working in remote areas and/or with marginalised groups places us at the forefront of negotiating the multiple new technological knowledge spaces that are opening up in the form of Indigenous websites and knowledge centres in these areas. Anthropology is not immune from the increasing awareness of the limitations and risks of the intellectual property regime for protecting or managing Indigenous knowledge. The relevance of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in opening up a ‘rights-based’ discourse, especially in the area of knowledge ownership, brings these issues to the fore. For anthropology to remain relevant, we have to engage locally with these global discourses. This paper begins to traverse some of this ground.","PeriodicalId":45231,"journal":{"name":"Australian Aboriginal Studies","volume":"2010 1","pages":"22-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68020837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Review(s) of: Invisible Invaders: Smallpox and Other Diseases in Aboriginal Australia, 1780-1880, by Judy Campbell, Melbourne University Press, 2002, xiv + 266 pp, ISBN 0522849393. Includes references.
{"title":"Invisible Invaders: Smallpox and Other Diseases in Aboriginal Australia, 1780-1880 [Book Review]","authors":"D. Roberts","doi":"10.5860/choice.40-3431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.40-3431","url":null,"abstract":"Review(s) of: Invisible Invaders: Smallpox and Other Diseases in Aboriginal Australia, 1780-1880, by Judy Campbell, Melbourne University Press, 2002, xiv + 266 pp, ISBN 0522849393. Includes references.","PeriodicalId":45231,"journal":{"name":"Australian Aboriginal Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71093711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Understanding interaction in central Australia: An ethnomethodological study of Australian aboriginal people [Book Review]","authors":"D. Rose","doi":"10.2307/2071124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2071124","url":null,"abstract":"Review(s) of: Studies in ethnomethodology, by Kenneth Liberman, Routledge and Kegan Paul, Boston, 1985, pp. 344.","PeriodicalId":45231,"journal":{"name":"Australian Aboriginal Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1987-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2071124","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68463232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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