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Jerzy Sołtan’s design of a church in communist Poland Jerzy Sołtan在共产主义波兰设计的教堂
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2257726
Wojciech Głowacki
AbstractIn 1957, the Catholic Church in Poland was faced with the opportunity to build new churches for the first time since the end of the Second World War. One of the proposals was put forward by Le Corbusier’s pupil Jerzy Sołtan. His design for a church in Sochaczew, far from the austere and economical modernism promoted in Poland at the time, was favourably received by the architectural community. However, it was criticised and misunderstood by representatives of the Church. At the turn of 1957 and 1958, debates about contemporary churches in Poland emerged, a modest reflection of the debates in Western Europe in the years before and after the Second Vatican Council. The processes shaping sacred architecture in communist Poland until the end of its existence in 1989 were then revealed. The state authorities were hostile to the Catholic Church and actively fought against its building initiatives in the first decades after the introduction of communism in Poland in 1945. However, this case study of the design of the church in Sochaczew reveals that the state authorities did not openly interfere in the shaping of forms of sacred architecture. The Church, who was responsible for choosing the design, was not interested in employing avant-garde architectural language to distinguish itself from constructions promoted by the state. Notes1 The changes in the Polish People’s Republic were directly influenced by the internal politics of the USSR. In February 1956, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev delivered a secret paper, later made public, ‘On the Cult of the Individual and Its Consequences’, in which he criticises the crimes of his predecessor Joseph Stalin.2 On the rejection of socialist realism by the architectural community, see Andrzej Skalimowski, ‘“Pierwsza szczera narada architektów”. Motywy, przebieg i konsekwencje Ogólnopolskiej Narady Architektów w 1956 roku’ [‘“The First Honest Discussion of Architects”: Motives, Course and Consequences of the 1956 National Meeting of Architects’], Polska 1944/45–1989: Studia i materiały, 10 (2011), 181–203; Waldemar Baraniewski, ‘Odwilżowe dylematy polskich architektów’ [‘Dilemmas of Polish Architects During the Thaw’], in Odwilż. Sztuka ok. 1956 [Thaw: Art Around the Year 1956], ed. by Piotr Piotrowski (Poznań: Muzeum Narodowe w Poznaniu, 1996), pp. 129–32; and David Crowley, ‘Warsaw’s Shops, Stalinism and the Thaw’, in Style and Socialism: Modernity and Material Culture in Post-War Eastern Europe, ed. by Susan E. Reid and David Crowley (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2002), pp. 25–47.3 The few church building permits granted at the time were treated by the state authorities as a reward for the loyal Catholic circles. Occasionally, churches damaged by warfare were rebuilt in an altered shape, and temporary makeshift chapels were erected illegally.4 On 27 March 1957, the Office for Religious Affairs [Urząd do Spraw Wyznań], which supervised religious associations, issued a document delineating the rules for
1957年,波兰天主教会迎来了第二次世界大战结束以来第一次建造新教堂的机会。其中一个提议是由勒·柯布西耶的学生Jerzy Sołtan提出的。他在Sochaczew设计了一座教堂,与当时波兰提倡的简朴和经济的现代主义相去甚远,受到建筑界的好评。然而,它受到教会代表的批评和误解。1957年和1958年交替之际,波兰出现了关于当代教会的辩论,这是第二次梵蒂冈大公会议前后西欧辩论的适度反映。在共产主义波兰,神圣建筑的形成过程直到1989年结束。在1945年波兰引入共产主义后的头几十年里,国家当局对天主教会充满敌意,并积极反对其建设计划。然而,这个Sochaczew教堂设计的案例研究表明,国家当局并没有公开干涉神圣建筑形式的塑造。负责选择设计的教会对采用前卫的建筑语言来区分自己与国家推动的建筑不感兴趣。注1波兰人民共和国的变化直接受到苏联内部政治的影响。1956年2月,苏联领导人尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫发表了一份秘密文件,后来被公开,“论个人崇拜及其后果”,其中他批评了他的前任约瑟夫·斯大林的罪行。2关于建筑社区对社会主义现实主义的拒绝,见Andrzej Skalimowski,“Pierwsza szczera narada architektów”。Motywy, przebieg i konsekwencje Ogólnopolskiej Narady Architektów w 1956 roku '[“建筑师的第一次诚实讨论”:1956年全国建筑师会议的动机,过程和后果],波兰1944/45-1989:Studia i materiały, 10 (2011), 181-203;Waldemar Baraniewski,“Odwilżowe dylematy polskich architektów”[“波兰建筑师在解冻期间的困境”],在奥德威尔耶兹。Sztuka ok。1956年[Thaw: Art Around the Year 1956],由Piotr Piotrowski主编(波兹纳乌:波兹纳乌Narodowe博物馆,1996),第129-32页;大卫·克劳利,“华沙的商店,斯大林主义和复苏”,载于苏珊·e·里德和大卫·克劳利主编的《风格与社会主义:战后东欧的现代性和物质文化》(伦敦:布卢姆斯伯里出版社,2002年),第25-47.3页,当时国家当局批准的为数不多的教堂建设许可被视为对忠诚的天主教圈子的奖励。偶尔,被战争破坏的教堂被重建成一个改变的形状,并非法建立临时的临时教堂1957年3月27日,监督宗教协会的宗教事务局[Urząd do Spraw wyznaka]发布了一份文件,规定了授予建造教堂许可证的规则。这是对1956年和1957年之交发放的大量许可证的反应。当时引入的程序旨在限制计划建设的教堂数量。关于1956年10月以来国家当局与天主教会关系的短暂正常化,见Antoni Dudek和Ryszard Gryz, Komuniści i Kościół w Polsce(1945-1989)[共产党人和波兰教会(1945-1989)](Kraków: Znak, 2003),第102-45页;和雷扎德·格里兹、波兹沃里奇·奇尼?Władze PRL wobec budownictwa katolickich obiektów sakralnych w latach 1971-1980[允许还是不允许?《1971-1980年波兰人民共和国当局对天主教宗教建筑的建设》(Kielce: Wydawnictwo Akademii Świętokrzyskiej, 2007),第43-69页。关于共产主义波兰的教堂建筑现象,请参阅伊莎贝拉Cichońska,卡罗琳娜·波普拉和库巴·斯诺克,《第vii天建筑:1945年后波兰教堂目录》(柏林:DOM出版社,2019)这是由建筑界的要求引起的:Biuro Organizacji Urzędu m.st . Warszawy, wydziazowarchium (BUO WA), ref. 11/1, Budownictwo sakralne: plane robót, plany robót budownictwa sakralnego na rok 1957[宗教建筑:工程计划,1957年宗教建筑工程计划],第165页,这是SARP华沙分会主席于1957年3月1日致华沙总建筑师的一封信的副本;同上,第164页,这是该市首席建筑师阿道夫·齐伯罗夫斯基于1957.6年3月5日给都会教廷的一封信的副本Józef Gorzelany, Gdy nadszedz czas budowy Arki[当建造方舟的时间到来时](巴黎:Éditions du Dialogue, 1988),第47.7页Eugeniusz Tatarczyk, ' Przed konkursem na projekt kościoła na Bielanach '[在比耶兰尼教堂设计竞赛之前],斯托利卡,16(1958),16。 8 .根据Jerzy Sołtan的传记信息。专著,乔拉·戈拉主编,英译。作者:Bogna Piotrowska, Joanna Sołtan和Wojciech Holnicki-Szulc(华沙:波兰科学院Pięknych, 1995)。Sołtans是一个有名的贵族家庭。耶日的父亲在20世纪20年代担任内政部长Jerzy Sołtan, Rozmowy o architekturze[建筑对话],采访Andrzej Bulanda,由Jola Gola和Maryla Sitkowska主编(华沙:Sztuk学院Pięknych, 1996),第41.10页。例如,参见Jerzy Sołtan,“Modernizm kołtuński i Modernizm barokowy”[“迟钝的现代主义和巴洛克式现代主义”],Przegląd kulturalny, 46(1958), 6 - 7(第6页);和Jerzy W. Soltan,“永恒的跷跷板”,Ekistics, 120(1965), 275 - 5。Sołtan不接受只关注理性,被评估为“客观”的建筑价值。他非常重视设计过程中的直觉。同样值得注意的是,社会现实主义者使用同样的术语(“盒子”)来批评现代主义他一直被监禁到1945年12月,已经在1939年春天,Sołtan翻译并出版了这本书的片段:勒·柯布西耶,“Drapacze chmur Nowego Jorku szoza niskie…”[纽约的摩天大楼不够高],编辑和翻译。由Jerzy Sołtan, Arkady, 6 (1939), 265-7.13 Sołtan并不是勒·柯布西耶工作室的第一个柱子。20世纪30年代,齐格蒙特·斯基布涅夫斯基在他的办公室工作。为了在勒·柯布西耶的工作室之外赚钱,Sołtan也在他的堂兄Pierre Janneret的办公室工作,并与Claude Laurens一起工作。他还曾在École des beaux-arts的Marcel Lods工作室担任助理1957年,Sołtan编写了文本Mo
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引用次数: 0
Architectural design competitions: the effects of competition format on design processes and outcomes 建筑设计竞赛:竞赛形式对设计过程和结果的影响
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2257713
Gethin Davison, Robert Freestone
Much of the extensive literature on design competitions is based on individual case studies and grounded in long-standing beliefs and assertions about the merits of what we term here ‘pure’ competition formats: competitions that are open to all, where entries are anonymous and judging is undertaken by independent design experts. Drawing from a mixed-methods, empirical study of 46 design competitions held in Sydney between 2000 and 2017, this paper focuses, in contrast, on the benefits and drawbacks of ‘impure’ design competitions. It examines the influence on design processes and outcomes of four key competition variables: the number of entrants, designer anonymity, the flexibility of briefs, and the independence of judges. Opportunities are considered for impure competition formats to address the main drawbacks of pure competitions while maintaining their benefits. We conclude that the benefits of competitive design are not contingent on an open field nor flexible briefs, but that a move towards an impure competition format can be problematic where jury independence is diminished and designer anonymity is lost.
许多关于设计竞赛的广泛文献都是基于个人案例研究,并基于我们所谓的“纯”竞赛形式的长期信念和主张:对所有人开放的竞赛,参赛作品是匿名的,评审由独立的设计专家进行。从一个混合方法,实证研究46设计竞赛在悉尼举行在2000年至2017年之间,本文,相比之下,“不纯”的优缺点设计比赛。它考察了四个关键竞争变量对设计过程和结果的影响:参赛者数量、设计师匿名性、简报的灵活性和评委的独立性。考虑到不纯竞争形式的机会,以解决纯竞争的主要缺点,同时保持其好处。我们得出的结论是,竞争性设计的好处并不取决于开放的领域或灵活的简报,但转向不纯粹的竞争形式可能会产生问题,因为陪审团的独立性会减弱,设计师的匿名性也会丧失。
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引用次数: 0
Distance between theory and practice in a project by Luigi Moretti, parametric architecture’s first theorist Luigi Moretti的理论与实践之间的距离,他是参数化建筑的第一位理论家
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2251029
Roberta Lucente, Giuseppe Canestrino
Starting in the 1940s, Luigi Moretti was the first theorist of architettura parametrica, suggesting a novel scientific vision of architectural design. However, the contribution of this theory to his built projects appears limited and far from the rigour of the famous mathematical modelling he presented at the XII Triennale di Milano in 1960. Despite Moretti's attempts to spread parametric architecture internationally, the apparent distance between the theoretical dimension and the professional practice has led to a marginal recognition of his contributions to the developments of Computational Design and, more recently, Parametricism. Questioning how Moretti considered aspects of parametric architecture in his professional practice may reveal how he intended the relationship between theory and practice. This paper analyses the troubled design process of Moretti's Bonifacio VIII Baths in Fiuggi, Italy, a project that has never been studied as an application of parametric architecture despite having several attributes that are now associated with the origin of parametric design. The proposed position is that, along his rigid theory, Moretti developed more informal and flexible design processes. The analysis of compositional and methodological values behind the evolution of this project, its archival materials, and Moretti's design theories will be used to demonstrate the thesis.
从20世纪40年代开始,Luigi Moretti是第一位建筑参数化理论家,提出了一种新的建筑设计科学愿景。然而,这一理论对他的建筑项目的贡献似乎有限,与1960年他在第十二届米兰三年展上提出的著名数学模型的严谨性相距甚远。尽管Moretti试图在国际上传播参数化建筑,但理论维度与专业实践之间的明显距离导致他对计算设计和最近的参数化发展的贡献得到了边缘化的认可。询问Moretti如何在他的专业实践中考虑参数化建筑的各个方面,可能会揭示他如何打算理论与实践之间的关系。本文分析了Moretti在意大利Fiuggi设计的Bonifacio VIII浴场的设计过程,这个项目从未作为参数化建筑的应用进行过研究,尽管它有几个属性,现在与参数化设计的起源有关。建议的立场是,沿着他的刚性理论,莫雷蒂发展了更非正式和灵活的设计过程。该项目的演变背后的组成和方法论价值的分析,它的档案材料,和莫雷蒂的设计理论将被用来证明论文。
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引用次数: 0
Experiencing resonance: everyday life in modernist blocks of flats in Oslo, Norway 体验共鸣:挪威奥斯陆现代主义公寓楼的日常生活
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2246999
Anna Ulrikke Andersen
Based on an interdisciplinary approach to architectural history, drawing upon sound studies and anthropology, this article offers a case study of contemporary experiences of resonance by residents living in modernist blocks of flats in Oslo built in 1964. Drawing upon ethnography and archival research, I ask how these sonic experiences affect people's relationships, both with other neighbours and the building itself. Moving from the outside and into the building, following architectural historian Katie Lloyd Thomas' theoretical approach to materials and how these materials come into being, I discuss the way resonance creates a series of tensions, affecting the way individuals relate to their surroundings, both affecting the way we see our built environment and social relations. Asking what it means to live in a modernist block of flats, I frame the residents' own stories of resonance within a larger context of changing neoliberal housing reforms in Norway from the 1980s until today. I argue that the experience of resonance creates new spatial configurations and also can stand as a critique of neo-liberal housing politics, forming connections that are both social and material.
基于建筑历史的跨学科研究方法,借鉴了可靠的研究和人类学,本文提供了一个案例研究,研究了居住在1964年奥斯陆现代主义公寓楼中的居民的当代共鸣体验。根据人种学和档案研究,我想知道这些声音体验是如何影响人们与其他邻居和建筑本身的关系的。从外部进入建筑,遵循建筑历史学家Katie Lloyd Thomas关于材料的理论方法以及这些材料是如何形成的,我讨论了共振产生一系列紧张关系的方式,影响了个人与周围环境的关系,也影响了我们看待建筑环境和社会关系的方式。当被问及生活在现代主义公寓楼里意味着什么时,我把居民自己的故事放在一个更大的背景下,即从20世纪80年代到今天,挪威不断变化的新自由主义住房改革。我认为共振的经验创造了新的空间配置,也可以作为对新自由主义住房政治的批判,形成了社会和物质的联系。
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引用次数: 0
The coloniality of Italian fascist architecture 意大利法西斯建筑的殖民性
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2238284
Emilio Distretti
This article traces the modern history of the Piazza di Porta Capena in Rome. It begins with the design of a modernist building for the square by the architects Ridolfi and Cafiero in 1938 created to celebrate the empire of fascist Italy. The building was intended to host the Ministry of the Colonies and to be flanked by an ancient stele looted from Aksum in Ethiopia. With the shift to a new world order after 1945, the building was completed to serve as the headquarters of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. As part of Italy's belated commitment to reparations for colonial crimes, the stele was dismantled and reinstalled in Aksum in 2008. The void thus created in the piazza was filled by a new monument, this time a memorial to the victims of the 9/11 attack in New York in 2001. Through the lens of the ‘coloniality of architecture', this article explores the changing aesthetics of the square, uncovering a history of shared rationalities between Italian fascist colonialism and its afterlife, as forms of government of ‘others'. By investigating the pìazza’s architectural configurations, it assists the re-orientation of narratives around the history of Italian fascist architecture.
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引用次数: 0
Ecology, history and the senses 生态、历史和感官
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2258033
Deljana Iossifova, Doreen Bernath
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引用次数: 0
The environmental semantics of rural and urban architecture standards in British Mandate of Palestine, 1920–1940 1920-1940年英属巴勒斯坦托管地乡村和城市建筑标准的环境语义
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2259924
Martin Hershenzon
AbstractThis paper analyses the 1940 exhibition catalogue, Twenty Years of Building: Workers' Settlements, Housing and Public Institutions, published by the Federation of Jewish Workers in Palestine to celebrate its twentieth anniversary. A cross-regional analysis of this publication in the context of Mandatory Palestine and its commonalities with the environmental German notion of ‘rootedness’ [Bodenständigkeit] forms the basis of this paper. It challenges previous scholarship viewing Jewish architecture as progressive, climatically adaptive, and correlating with the 1930s separatist stance of Labour Zionism vis-à-vis the Levant. It argues instead that the Federation's architects reflected a conservative agenda concerning ‘functional’ design. The paper reconstructs how their agenda adapted various rhetoric, from rooted rural buildings, colonial ruralisation, to new urban co-op environments in the 1920s and 30s. The paper also explores the historicist and settler-colonial stance of this agenda as it negotiated progressive building standards relative to the brief tradition of cooperative settlement history and indigenous Palestinian habitats. The paper, thus, identifies the environmental semantics of the Federation’s functional buildings, its structuralist logic, and its role in the legitimation of Zionist settler colonial institutions. In assessing this aesthetic-economic discourse, the paper contributes a missing prelude to the vernacularisation of post-independence development architecture in Israel. AcknowledgementsSeveral mentors and friends have contributed to the development of this essay. I wish to thank in particular David Leatherbarrow, Joan Ockman, Daniel Barber, John Tresch, Daniel Hershenzon, Ayala Levin, Nimrod Ben-Ze’ev, Keren Gorodeisky, Lior Barshack, Duffy Half, and Shani Sladowsky for their contributions in shaping its arguments. I wish also to thank the journal editor Doreen Bernath and the reviewers for their helpful critique.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Folder: IV-250-31-240, the Pinhas Lavon Institute for Labour Movement Research Archive. The exhibition displayed building activities by members of the collective agricultural labour settlements [Ha’hytyashvot Ha’aovedet], which from the 1910s stood primarily for the agricultural settlements as a geographical sector. This notion was roughly distinguished from the administrative and cultural arms of a Jewish workers’ society, which was identified with the urban settlement.2 See [Anon.], ‘בתערוכה של הבנייה ההסתדרותית’ [‘At the Exhibition of the Federation Construction’], Davar, 21 November 1940, p. 4; and עשרים שנות בניה – התיישבות, שיכון ומוסדות ציבור פועלים [Twenty Years of Building: Workers’ Settlements, Housing and Public Institutions], ed. by E. Polsky, Asher Allweil, Israel Dicker, Shmuel Mestechkin, A. Freudental, and Benyamin Chlenov (Tel Aviv: Engineers’ Architects’ and Surveyors’ Union of Palestine, 1940).3 The
摘要:本文分析了1940年巴勒斯坦犹太工人联合会为庆祝其成立二十周年而出版的展览图录《建筑二十年:工人定居点、住房和公共机构》。在强制性巴勒斯坦的背景下,对该出版物进行跨区域分析,并与德国环境概念的“根”[Bodenständigkeit]的共性形成了本文的基础。它挑战了以前的学术观点,认为犹太建筑是进步的,适应气候的,并与20世纪30年代劳工犹太复国主义对-à-vis黎凡特的分离主义立场相关。相反,它认为联合会的建筑师反映了关于“功能”设计的保守议程。本文重构了他们的议程是如何适应各种修辞的,从根深蒂固的农村建筑、殖民乡村化,到20世纪二三十年代的新型城市合作环境。本文还探讨了这一议程的历史主义和定居者-殖民立场,因为它谈判了相对于合作定居点历史和巴勒斯坦土著栖息地的短暂传统的进步建筑标准。因此,本文确定了联邦功能建筑的环境语义,其结构主义逻辑,以及它在犹太复国主义定居者殖民机构合法化中的作用。在评估这种美学-经济话语时,本文为以色列独立后发展建筑的白话化提供了缺失的前奏。几位导师和朋友对本文的发展做出了贡献。我要特别感谢David Leatherbarrow、Joan Ockman、Daniel Barber、John Tresch、Daniel Hershenzon、Ayala Levin、Nimrod Ben-Ze 'ev、Keren Gorodeisky、Lior Barshack、Duffy Half和Shani Sladowsky在形成本书论点方面所做的贡献。我还要感谢杂志编辑多琳·伯纳斯(Doreen Bernath)和审稿人的有益评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1文件夹:IV-250-31-240, Pinhas Lavon劳工运动研究研究所档案。展览展示了集体农业劳工定居点(Ha 'hytyashvot Ha 'aovedet)成员的建筑活动,从20世纪10年代开始,这主要代表了农业定居点作为一个地理区域。这一概念与犹太工人社会的行政和文化部门大致不同,后者被认为是城市定居点见(佚名),”בתערוכהשלהבנייהההסתדרותית”('展览的联合建设'],Davar, 1940年11月21日,p。4;2 .《建筑二十年:工人定居点、住房和公共机构》,由E. Polsky、Asher Allweil、Israel Dicker、Shmuel Mestechkin、A. Freudental和benjamin Chlenov编著(特拉维夫:巴勒斯坦工程师、建筑师和测量员联盟,1940)1958年庆祝以色列独立第一个十年的展览最有可能是类似的规模;参见Zvi Efrat,以色列项目:1948-1973年的建筑和建筑,第1卷(特拉维夫:特拉维夫艺术博物馆,2004年),第20.4页。参见Zvi Elhyani,“建筑档案的多背景方法:以色列建筑史学的知识修复”(未发表的博士论文,以色列理工学院,2014年),第18-23页;5 . Oz Almog,《萨布拉:新犹太人的创造》(加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2000年)看到理查德•Ingersollמוניוגיתאי——וינרויב——ארכיטקטבאוהאוסבארץ——ישראל[Munio Gitai Weinraub:包豪斯建筑师在以色列Erez](特拉维夫:巴别塔,2009),页61 - 2;Tzafrir Fainholtz,“犹太农民,村庄和世界博览会:1937年巴黎国际展览会上的政治,宣传和“以色列在巴勒斯坦”馆”,摘自SHS会议网63:10004 (2019);Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett,“表演国家:1939/1940年纽约世界博览会的犹太巴勒斯坦馆”,载于《当代犹太人的艺术》,Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett和Jonathan Karp主编(宾夕法尼亚州费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2008),第98-115页;和Sigal Davidi,“所有“所有”“所有”“所有”“所有”“所有”“所有”“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”,“所有”。 8见工会会议记录:IV-250-31-240, IV 250-36-1-237, IV 250-36-1-236和IV-250-36-1-238, Pinhas Lavon劳工运动研究档案馆;“工程师联盟理事会”,哈比扬·巴米兹拉赫·哈卡罗夫,第2卷(1935年),第9页;“以色列土地工程师和建筑师联盟的活动”,哈比扬·巴米兹拉赫·哈卡罗夫,4(1935),第15页;和H.普罗姆金,“1936-1940年的四年斗争”,达瓦尔,1940年3月29日,第2.9页。另见Ines Sonders,“Julius Posener und das Neue Bauen in Palästina”,载于《现代性的转移:巴勒斯坦的建筑现代主义(1923-1948)》,由Ronny sch<e:1>勒和Jörg Stabenow编辑(柏林:Gebr)。Mann Verlag. 2019),第53-68页(第57-8页)IV 250-36-1-237, Pinhas Lavon研究所劳工运动研究档案。这些问题与两次世界大战之间欧洲关于社会住房和福利的讨论相吻合;参见Iris Graicer,《1950-1920年:从邻里到住房:1920-1950年以色列土地上劳工运动的城市定居点及其意识形态来源》(海法:Pardes, 2017),第16-7.11页,或Aleksandrowicz,《大胆的遮阳:特拉维夫的遮阳风格》(Holon: Public School Editions, 2015)汉内斯·迈耶,《建筑》,载于乌尔里希·康拉德主编的《计划与宣言》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社,1971年),第117-20.13页。和Aleksandrowicz,“面向太阳:德语Émigrés和以色列气候建筑设计的根源”,在中欧现代主义的设计转型犹太人和文化认同中,Elana Shapira主编(伦敦:Bloomsbury视觉艺术,2021),第253-66.14页。F. M.,“20年的建筑:一个骄傲的巴勒斯坦记录”,巴勒斯坦邮报,1940年12月12日,第4.15页Areej Sabbagh-Khoury,“追踪定居者殖民主义:以色列知识生产社会学范式的谱系”,政治与社会,50.1 (2022),44-83 (pp. 46-7)关于大英帝国的观点,见Mark Crinson,《现代建筑与帝国的终结》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2018);Alex Bremner,《大英帝国的建筑与城市主义导论》,Ale
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引用次数: 0
Deserts Are Not EmptyBook Deserts Are Not Empty Edited by Samia HenniColumbia Books on Architecture and the City, 2022 ISBN 9781941332740£18.99/$23.00, paperback384 pp., with illustrations 沙漠不是空的书沙漠不是空的书萨米亚·亨尼古比亚建筑与城市书籍,2022 ISBN 9781941332740 18.99英镑/ 23.00美元,平装384页,附有插图
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2258032
Ivan Lopez Munuera
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1 See Elizabeth A. Povinelli, Geontologies: A Requiem to Late Liberalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016); and Aidan Tynan, The Desert on Modern Literature and Philosophy: Wasteland Aesthetics (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020).2 Max Liboiron, Pollution is Colonialism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2021).
注1参见Elizabeth A. Povinelli,地学:晚期自由主义的安魂曲(达勒姆,北卡罗来纳州:杜克大学出版社,2016);艾丹·泰南:《现代文学与哲学的沙漠:荒原美学》(爱丁堡:爱丁堡大学出版社,2020年)Max Liboiron,污染是殖民主义(达勒姆,北卡罗来纳州:杜克大学出版社,2021)。
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引用次数: 1
Images making places: the role of image rhetoric in shaping the housing ideal in London 形象塑造场所:形象修辞在塑造伦敦住房理想中的作用
3区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2023.2246995
Michela Pace
AbstractThis article considers visual design as a complementary form of strategic planning that relies on images to sway the approval of future housing developments. The study of promotional materials in the city of London provides an opportunity to reflect on the relationship between represented and constructed space and on the rhetoric employed by the neoliberal real estate market. For this reason, the research is based on a transdisciplinary approach that merges hermeneutics and urban sciences. The results showed a strong correspondence between the alteration of the represented reality and the perception of the built environment. This trend is connected to a more general tendency towards the financialisation of architecture, which focuses on space simplification and the primacy of feelings. This exacerbates both visual and spatial inclusion processes, allowing us to address issues of access to housing, justice, and equity as a lens to observe and unpack a global trend with precise spatial outcomes. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Basil: Blackwell, 1990), pp. 18–9.2 Amy Thomas, ‘Mart of the World: An Architectural and Geographical History of the London Stock Exchange’, The Journal of Architecture, 21.5 (2016), 816–55 (p. 822) .3 See On the Verge of Photography, ed. by Daniel Rubinstein, Johnny Golding, and Andrew Fisher (Birmingham: ARTicle Press, 2013), p. 14; and Georges Didi-Huberman, The Surviving Image – Phantoms of Time and Time of Phantoms: Aby Warburg’s History of Art (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2006), pp. 68–73.4 Jean-Jacques Wunenburger, Philosophie des images (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1997), pp. 296–7.5 See Pierre Bourdieu, Contre-feux: Propos pour servir à la résistance contre l’invasion néo-libérale [Acts of Resistance: Against the Tyranny of the Market] (Paris: Éditions Liber, 1998), p. 42; and Patrick Malone, ‘Bourdieu in London’, The Journal of Architecture, 25.6 (2020), 679–96 (p. 685) .6 John Berger, Ways of Seeing (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), p. 31.7 Didi-Huberman, The Surviving Image, p. 74.8 See Roman Jackobson, ‘Language in Relation to Other Communication Systems’, in Roman Jackobson: Selected Writings, Vol. II, Word and Language (Mouton: The Hague, 1971), pp. 570–9 (p. 576); and Emre Altürk, ‘Architectural Representation as a Medium of Critical Agencies’, The Journal of Architecture, 13.2 (2008), 133–52 (p. 144) .9 Slavoj Žižek, The Plague of Fantasies (London: Verso, 1997), p. 212.10 Andrew Brown, ‘The Spinning Index: Architectural Images and the Reversal of Causality’, in On the Verge of Photography, ed. by Daniel Rubinstein, Johnny Golding, and Andrew Fisher, pp. 237–58 (p. 241).11 Vilém Flusser, Per una filosofia della fotografia [Towar
摘要本文认为视觉设计是战略规划的一种补充形式,依靠图像来影响未来住房开发的批准。对伦敦市的宣传材料的研究提供了一个机会来反思再现空间和构建空间之间的关系,以及新自由主义房地产市场所使用的修辞。由于这个原因,研究是基于跨学科的方法,融合了解释学和城市科学。研究结果表明,所代表的现实的变化与建筑环境的感知之间存在强烈的对应关系。这种趋势与建筑金融化的更普遍趋势有关,其重点是空间简化和情感至上。这加剧了视觉和空间包容过程,使我们能够通过观察和解析具有精确空间结果的全球趋势,来解决获得住房、司法和公平等问题。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:David Harvey,《后现代的条件》(Basil: Blackwell, 1990),第18-9.2页。Amy Thomas,《世界的集市:伦敦证券交易所的建筑和地理历史》,《建筑杂志》,第21.5期(2016),第816-55页(第822页)。3参见《摄影的边缘》,由Daniel Rubinstein、Johnny Golding和Andrew Fisher主编(伯明翰:ARTicle Press, 2013),第14页;Jean-Jacques Wunenburger,《图像的哲学》(巴黎:法国大学出版社,1997年),第296-7.5页。见Pierre Bourdieu, contre -feux: Propos pour servir la racsistance contre l’invasion nacimo - libacrale[抵抗的行为:反对市场的暴政](巴黎:Éditions Liber, 1998),第42页;和Patrick Malone,“Bourdieu in London”,建筑杂志,25.6(2020),679-96(第685页)。6 John Berger, Ways of Seeing (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972),第31.7。Didi-Huberman, The survive Image,第74.8见Roman Jackobson,“Language in Relation to Other Communication Systems”,in Roman Jackobson: Selected Writings, Vol. II, Word and Language (Mouton: The Hague, 1971), pp. 570-9(第576页);和Emre altrk,“作为关键机构媒介的建筑表现”,《建筑杂志》,13.2(2008),133-52(第144页)。9 Slavoj Žižek,《幻想的瘟疫》(伦敦:Verso, 1997),第212.10页。Andrew Brown,“旋转指数:建筑图像和因果关系的逆转”,在摄影的边缘,由Daniel Rubinstein, Johnny Golding和Andrew Fisher主编,第237-58页(第241页)《走向摄影的哲学》,译。Chantal Marazia著(米兰:Mondadori出版社,2006),首次出版。见乔治·贝尔德:《公共空间:文化/政治理论》;《街头摄影》(罗德岛,RI: SUN Architecture出版社,2011),第35页;让-保罗·萨特,《想象:想象的现象学心理学》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2003),第76-8页,首次出版。Umberto Eco, Marc aug<s:1>和Georges Didi-Huberman, La forza delle immagini[图像的力量](米兰:Franco Angeli出版社,2015),第24.14页,Jean Baudrillard,《完美的犯罪》(伦敦:Verso, 1995), 60.15页,Flusser, Per una filosofia della fotografia, pp. 62-7.16 Stuart Hall,“电视话语中的编码和解码”,载于当代文化研究中心工作论文选集第2卷,由Ann Gray, Jan Campbell, Mark Erickson, Stuart Hanson和Helen Wood主编(阿宾登:Routledge, 2007),第386-98页(第389页),写于1978年9月,作为欧洲委员会关于“电视语言批判性阅读训练”的讨论会的论文,莱斯特大学委员会和大众传播研究中心。Žižek,幻想的瘟疫,第73-4.18页Saskia Sassen,“穿着华尔街西装和算法数学的掠夺性阵型”,科学,技术与社会,22.1(2017),1-15(第2页).19伦敦市长,“伦敦的机会区”,大伦敦当局,2022年[访问日期:2022年6月6日].20伦敦市长,“政策3.10经济适用房的定义”,大伦敦当局,2022[访问22 June 2022].21吉莉安·罗斯,《视觉方法论:视觉材料解读导论》(伦敦:SAGE出版社,2013年),首次出版。2001.22 Silvia Blanco ageira,“图像,文本,建筑:建筑媒体的乌托邦”,《建筑杂志》,21.7(2016),1149-53(第1148页)。23 Karl Schlögel,在空间中我们阅读时间:关于文明和地缘政治的历史(纽约,纽约州:巴德研究生中心,2003),第18-23页。 24 Will Wiles,“场所制造”和“场所”的商品化”(未发表论文,东伦敦大学,2016).25迪迪-休伯曼,《幸存的形象》,第71.26页布鲁诺·拉图尔,《Che cos》è l ' iconoclash?“什么是Iconoclash?”’],见Andrea Pinotti和Antonio Somaini主编的《Teorie dell’imagine》(米兰:Raffaello Cortina Editore出版社,2009),第278-330页(第311页)参见Algirdas Julien Greimas,结构语义学:研究和方法[结构语义学:研究和方法](巴黎:法国大学出版社,1996),第46-52页;路易斯·马林,《乌托邦:与空间玩耍》(巴黎:Les Éditions de Minuit, 1977),第33-4页;休伯特·达米施,《天际线:邪恶的纳西斯》(巴黎:塞尔,1996),第13.29页。见鲍德里亚,《完美的罪行》,第48页;和Flusser, Per una filosofia della fotografia, pp. 102-3.30 Wandsworth Council,巴特西发电站重建申请。n. 2012/4586 ', Wandsworth Council, 2012[访问日期:2019年4月1日].31旺兹沃思议会,“巴特西发电站重建申请”中的“设计和访问声明附录”。n. 2012/4586 ', 2012[于2019年4月1日访问].32Pari Riahi,“扩展建筑表现的边界”,《建筑杂志》,22.5(2017),815-24页(第818页)。33 MillerHare的负责人John Hare,
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