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Self-determination and State-building: Mosul Before the League of Nations, 1918–1932 自决与国家建设:国际联盟之前的摩苏尔,1918-1932
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2268330
Jingwei Xu
ABSTRACTThis article reconstructs the place of ‘self-determination’ and its conjunct, ‘minorities’ rights,’ as legal languages in the history of Iraq from the British occupation until its League of Nations-supervised independence in 1932. While historians understand the development of the Arab-led mandatory regime and its relationship to international, League-mediated politics, the potential for the politics of ‘self-determination’ to have created radically different geopolitical outcomes, particularly in the northern, heterogeneous province of Mosul, has only recently been acknowledged. Rather than treat self-determination as an analytical category, this article begins from the perspective of the concept’s novelty in the Middle East in 1918. State-building in Iraq through independence, I argue, depended on manipulating the doctrinal slippages between ‘self-determination’ and ‘minorities’ rights’ as much as it did on institutional processes. Through the emergence of the mandatory regime and in two critical League Council decisions – the Mosul territorial arbitration of 1925 and Iraqi independence proceedings in 1932 – the nascent Arab state, the British Empire, and the inhabitants of Mosul contested the meaning of self-determination. Their arguments had far-reaching implications, some unintended, for the shape of inter-war international politics and constitute an important – and earlier – episode in the interplay between decolonisation and the centring of the nation-state in international law in the twentieth century.KEYWORDS: IraqMosulmandatedecolonisationinternational lawlegal historyself-determinationminoritieshuman rights Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 CAB/24/176: Memorandum (24 Dec., 1925), “The Mosul Question at the League of Nations,” Report by Leopold Amery.2 Makko, “Arbitrator in a World of Wars”.3 Amery entered politics in 1911, obtaining a seat in the House of Commons as a conservative, which he would hold until 1945. He held various positions in the War and Colonial Offices, most notably the first lordship of the Admiralty from 1922 to 1924, when he was appointed Colonial Secretary, succeeding Winston Churchill. Over the course of his career spanning journalism, intelligence, and the Admiralty, he had cultivated a near-religious devotion to the British Empire as the ‘final object of patriotic emotion and action.’ Lavin, “Amery, Leopold Charles Maurice Stennett (1873-1955),”; online ed., accessed 3 July, 2020.4 See, e.g., Amery, My Political Life – Volume 2. For more on Amery’s political thought, see, e.g., Pedersen, The Guardians; Grayson, “Leo Amery’s Imperialist Alternative to Appeasement in the 1930s,”.5 See Silverfarb, Britain’s Informal Empire in the Middle East, ch. 4.6 Much has been written on the history of the Kurds in Iraq, although the bulk of this scholarship focuses on the latter half of the 20th century. For broader historical perspectives, see Danilovich, Iraqi
31关于最初英国在伊拉克政府的官僚结构,以及借鉴印度的统治模式的影响,见Sluglett,英国在伊拉克,13-17;特里普,《伊拉克史》,36-39.32 IOR/L/PS/10/781/1:备忘录(1918年12月14日):“库尔德斯坦:印度办事处政治部笔记”早在1918年12月,摩苏尔的政治官员就指出,库尔德人是“强烈反阿拉伯人的”。IOR/L/PS/10/755:巴格达政治部给印度国务秘书(蒙塔古)的电报(1918年12月26日)。到第二年夏天,C.N.弗兰奇上校等军官认为,“将南库尔德斯坦国家纳入美索不达米亚将引起与库尔德人的摩擦,并可能建立边境国家,需要永久性的军事开支。”IOR/L/PS/10/781/1:备忘录(1919年9月12日),“开罗军事情报部门C.N. French上校的备忘录。34见马斯登和霍普金斯:《阿富汗边境的碎片》;《漫长大战中的世界形成》,277.35;特里普,《伊拉克史》,34,53;关于1897-98年“边境战争”的更多信息,请参见Agha,“次帝国主义和开伯尔的损失”:寇松勋爵认为他1901年立法创建西北边境省是他的主要政策成就之一。它作为一个行政实体存在至今,2010年重组为巴基斯坦的开伯尔-普赫图赫瓦省。参见马斯登和霍普金斯,阿富汗边境碎片;哈龙,《信仰的边界》,39 IOR/L/PS/10/781/2:会议纪要(1919年8月20日),“中东事务部门间会议,白厅外交部会议纪要”。1919年11月6日,在工党和保守党议员的共同盘问下,陆军部财政大臣福斯特在下议院的一次会议上承诺:“我们正在尽最大努力尽快撤回(我们的军队)。”英国:议会辩论,下议院,第五期(1919年11月6日,星期四)IOR/L/PS/10/755:电报(1918年11月22日),印度国务卿(蒙塔古)给巴格达民事专员(威尔逊)42 IOR/L/PS/10/755:电报(1918年12月8日)巴格达民事专员给印度国务卿。43 IOR/L/PS/10/755:电报(1918年12月10日)巴格达民事专员给印度国务卿。44 IOR/L/PS/10/755:档案/报告(1918年1月)“伊拉克的自决”,阿诺德威尔逊编。45 IOR/L/PS/10/755:备忘录(1919年2月22日),“美索不达米亚的自决”,格特鲁德·贝尔。46不要与1921年召开的“开罗会议”相混淆。IOR/L/PS/10/755:会议纪要(1919年1月),“战争内阁:东部委员会关于处理中东领土的决议”。48 IOR/L/PS/10/755:电报(1919年2月14日),印度国务卿给巴格达政治部。强调mine.49见IOR/L/PS/10/ 71 /2:备忘录(1919年9月4日),“关于库尔德斯坦局势的秘书笔记,跨部门ME事务会议”。另见E.J.R,《一战期间南库尔德斯坦事务概要》(巴格达:政府出版社,1919年),第18页。诺埃尔是一个难以捉摸的人物,他是爱德华七世间谍的典型,他重视人际关系和直觉形式的情报收集,而不是公开的经验主义形式的知识创造。大英图书馆,“爱德华·威廉·查尔斯·诺埃尔——政治官员和间谍”,大英图书馆不为人知的生活博客(2016年4月14日),在线版,2017年6月5日访问;也见《沙提亚:阿拉伯的间谍》第3章。有关战争期间中东帝国安全服务的更广泛概述,请参见托马斯的《情报帝国》。值得注意的是,英国在地面上培养“当地知识”的间谍计划,为其后来通过英国皇家空军的空中轰炸来平息伊拉克农村的暴力努力奠定了认识论基础。萨提亚,《为不人道辩护》,50页唯一的例外是他写的一本小日记。他的个人写作以简洁著称,这本日记主要是他的开支收据。IOR/L/PS/10/781/1:报告(1919年8月),关于库尔德局势的说明,Major E.W.C. Noel.51同上,3.52 IOR/L/PS/10/781/1:备忘录(1919年9月12日),“C.N. French上校备忘录,军事情报,开罗。53 IOR/L/PS/10/781/2:会议纪要(1919年11月17日),中东事务部门间会议。54同上,55同上,56见IOR/L/PS/10/781/2:电报(1919年12月7日),巴格达政治办公室给印度国务秘书。 141 .“人民的意志是自觉的,人民的意志是自觉的,人民的意志是自觉的;他说:“我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子,我的儿子。”同上,52.142 LNA R2318/6A/655/22528:请愿书(1930年9月23日),“以下签署人ANTHONY HORMUZD RASSAM代表居住在伊拉克的基督徒、雅兹迪人和其他非穆斯林少数民族的请愿书”,117.143同上,1955.144 Pedersen, THE Guardians, 232。第一句中提到的规范是确立强制性权力在被授权领土上不是主权;它出现在对坦噶尼喀授权的审议中。145参考惠特利,“两次世界大战之间国际法中的幽灵法律人格”。当然,这种情况随着时间的推移而改变了。根据富卡罗的说法,库尔德人的主张在1925年的摩苏尔之争中逐渐强调以国家为中心和民族主义的维度。这是合乎逻辑的,因为:1)决定的框架赋予民族国家作为分析范畴的特权;2)它预示着国家对库尔德人生活的干预达到了一个新的水平,因为它使伊拉克国家权力在此前受到质疑的地方合法化了。我认为,1930年至1932年的联盟会议是另一个这样的转折点。Fuccaro,“少数民族和民族动员”580-581,586.147 LNA R2318/6A/655/22528:请愿书(1930年9月23日),“以下签署人ANTHONY HORMUZD RASSAM代表居住在伊拉克的基督徒、雅兹迪人和其他非穆斯林少数民族的请愿书”。148以叙利亚独立为例。伊拉克独立后发生的事件远没有为后来的独立进程提供一个模式,而是说服了陷入困境的拉帕德否决任何争取叙利亚独立的行动。彼得森,《守护者》,286页。此外,对国际联盟的少数民族保护计划的一些挫折将为国际法中更激进的“权利”愿景奠定思想基础。参见Mazower,“少数民族与两次世界大战之间的欧洲国家联盟”,56-59.149参见Getachew,《帝国之后的世界》;Pedersen,“撤出伊拉克——1932年:国际联盟和通往规范国家的道路”,1000;非殖民化与非洲社会:法属和英属非洲的劳工问题;库珀:《可能性与约束:历史视角下的非洲独立》;库珀:《帝国与国家之间的公民身份:重塑法国和法属非洲,1945-1960》;Karuna Mantena,《人民主权与反殖民主义》。150参见Getachew,《帝国之后的世界》,第26-29页(其中讨论了围绕反殖民民族主义的更广泛辩论);彼得森,《1932年从伊拉克撤军》,1000;参见最近关于20世纪(人权)的修正主义学术研究,如莫恩的《最后的乌托邦》;Hoffmann, <人权与历史>。
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Severing the Sinews of the Spanish Empire: British Naval Policy and Operations Regarding the Silver Fleets during the War of Jenkins’ Ear, 1737–1740 切断西班牙帝国的血脉:1737-1740年詹金斯耳战争期间英国海军关于银舰队的政策和行动
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2275330
Shinsuke Satsuma
ABSTRACTIn studies on the War of Jenkins’ Ear, a conflict between the British and Spanish empires, historians tend to focus on colonial expeditions, such as those against Porto Bello and Cartagena. On the other hand, operations against Spanish silver fleets, the mainstay of the Spanish imperial trade system, have attracted far less attention. This article examines these somewhat undervalued operations against the silver fleets as well as those concerning other Spanish shipping during the War of Jenkins’ Ear, giving their political and diplomatic backgrounds. This analysis demonstrates the significance of the issue of the silver fleets in Anglo-Spanish relations at the time. It also indicates the deep involvement of France in this issue and its influence on British naval operations. Finally, this article describes the development and implementation of British naval policy to put economic and financial pressure on the Spanish empire, arguing that the naval operations during this period were one of the earliest attempts at using blockades on both sides of the Atlantic, which Britain further developed in later imperial wars that took place during the long eighteenth century.KEYWORDS: BritainSpainFranceempireWar of Jenkins’ EarNavysilver fleetstradeblockade AcknowledgementsI am grateful to Professor N.A.M. Rodger, Professor Jeremy Black and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In this paper, all dates are given in the Old Style of the Julian Calendar except where the date is specifically indicated as New Style by (n.s.) or both dates are used (e.g. 6/17 August). The new year is taken to have begun on 1 January, not 25 March.2 For example, see Richmond, Navy, i; Harding, Amphibious Warfare. However, it should be noted that Richmond was aware of the importance of intercepting the silver fleets. Richmond, Navy, i. 145, 277–8, vol. ii. 245.3 For the establishment of the Western Squadron, see, Duffy, “Establishment”.4 Torres Sánchez, Constructing a Fiscal-Military State, 138–40, 154, 214.5 Pares, War and Trade, 109–14.6 Woodfine, Britannia’s Glories, esp., 175–6, 214; Harding, Emergence, esp., 57–8. Chapman, Disaster, 67–6, 70.7 Wilson, “Empire,” 74–109.8 Regarding the period of the War of Spanish Succession, there is an article on the issue of the silver fleets by Kamen. Kamen, “Destruction,” 165–73.9 Walker, Spanish Politics, 4–5; Pares, War, 3, 112–3. In addition, ships called avisos sailed between Spain and her American colonies, but their duty was to carry official papers and information, not valuable cargo.10 In the Pacific, Manila Galleons, or vessels engaged in the trans-pacific trade between Manila and Acapulco, were another important target for the British navy. For Manila Galleons, see Schurz, “Mexico”; Walker, Spanish Politics, 6–7. During the War of Austrian Succession, Commodore Anson succeeded in capturing one of them. Fo
20bl,添加MS 32797, fos。87v-89, 140v-141,基恩到纽卡斯尔,1738.21年2月23日和3月10日例如,参见BL,添加MS 32796, fos。1737年11月4日和12月19日,77-82、284-7,纽卡斯尔到基恩;BL,添加MS 32797, fos。10-11,纽卡斯尔到基恩,1738.22年1月7日,里士满,海军,i. 5-10.23,坦波利,“原因”,212-3。关于反对派对与西班牙谈判的批评以及他们要求在议会中对其采取更强硬行动的要求,例如,参见Cobbett的议会史,第580 - 3,593 - 4,616 - 20,633 - 5,718 - 9,759 - 60,764 - 5,777 - 80.24 BL, Add MS 32798, fos。1738.25关于这一时期的英法外交关系,见威尔逊,《法国外交政策》,第18页。黑色,自然和必要的敌人,第1章,36-40.26坦波利,“原因,”203;威尔逊,《法国外交政策》,第29-41页,第60-61.27页。伍德法恩,《不列颠尼亚的荣耀》,160-1页。另见,BL,添加MS 32796, fos。1737年11月4日纽卡斯尔对基恩119 - 119;BL,加MS 32796到。237、基恩到纽卡斯尔,1737年12月13日;TNA, sp78 /223, fos。41v-2,瓦德格拉夫致哈林顿,1740年6月1日。28斯泰因与斯泰因:白银、贸易与战争,141-3.29科贝特的议会史,第776、826 - 7,837、947 - 8,1418期;沃波尔,《大问题》,18-20;《大众偏见》,9;《每日公报》1739年3月7日如图所示,政府还提到了通过加的斯与西班牙及其殖民地进行贸易的英国商人的利益,作为对反对派好战立场的考虑。事实上,英国商人是加的斯贸易的主要参与者之一。在詹金斯耳朵战争前夕,情况仍然如此。皮尔斯,英国贸易,5-8页。相比之下,反对派普遍对政府对通过加的斯进行贸易的英国商人利益的关注不屑一顾。科贝特的议会史,x, 838, 856 - 58,985;利特尔顿,《部长的偏见》,第20页。威尔逊认为,这一时期的反对派将英国商业利益的侵略性扩张主义要求纳入其政治宣传,特别是那些从事美国殖民地贸易的人,他们也经常参与与西班牙殖民地的直接非法贸易。威尔逊,《帝国》,96-8页。另一方面,McLachlan曾提出,在这一时期,通过加的斯与西班牙及其殖民地进行和平贸易的商人的利益与直接与西班牙殖民地进行贸易的商人的利益相冲突。Jean O. McLachlan,《与旧西班牙1667-1750的贸易与和平:18世纪上半叶英西外交的商业研究》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1940),78,121。考虑到这种利益冲突,有可能前者更倾向于与西班牙和平,可能与采取克制政策的政府联系更紧密,而不是与反对派联系更紧密,后者同情后者商人的要求,并呼吁采取更激进的政策,尽管需要进一步的调查来澄清这一点TNA, sp78 /218, fos。164v-166,《瓦德格拉夫到纽卡斯尔》,1738年6月11日(新编)《常识》,1738年9月9日;工匠,1738年9月9日;《工匠》,1738.32年9月23日《科贝特的议会史》,第x期,838 - 9,853 - 58,1416 - 7;利特尔顿,《部长偏见》,19-20页;《工匠》,1739.33年3月31日,《日报》,1738.34年10月11日,增MS 32798, fos。258v-59,基恩至纽卡斯尔,1738.35年8月2日,加MS 32691号。1738年12月2日,威格去纽卡斯尔;BL,添加ms32800, fos。1739年1月26日,纽卡斯尔对基恩,72 - 73。然而,这艘注册船的释放后来被反对派媒体和政界人士所利用,他们批评政府在与西班牙的谈判中过于软弱。《工匠》,1739年2月17日;《科贝特的议会史》,x. 1173.36 Sperling, South Sea Company, 47-8;麦克拉克兰,贸易与和平,114-9.37历史手稿委员会,埃格蒙特手稿,iii。1739.38坦波利,“原因”,227 - 32,234 - 5;巴黎,战争与贸易,55 - 6,59;麦克拉克兰,《贸易与和平》,120页;《不列颠尼亚的荣耀》,207-9.39科贝特的议会史,第885 - 8,1159 - 61,1172-4,1209-13,1286-7期;《常识》,1739年3月3日;工匠,1739年1月27日;Lyttelton,《考虑》,10 - 11,20 - 1;罗宾斯,地址,18,20-2.40,历史手稿委员会,第十四份报告,249,弗朗西斯·黑尔给弗朗西斯·内勒,176月30日;伍德芬,《不列颠尼亚的荣耀》,2008 - 9.42,TNA, SP 94/133,基恩致纽卡斯尔,1739年4月27日;历史手稿委员会,第十四份报告,29-30,霍雷肖·沃波尔给罗伯特·特雷弗,1739年5月8日至19日;BL,添加ms32800, fos。299v-300, Keene to Newcastle, 1739.43 4月24日TNA, SP 94/133, Keene to Newcastle, 1739.44 3月23日Temperley,“Causes,”223-4;希尔德纳,《角色》,338-41页;巴黎,战争与贸易,54-6页。 45历史手稿委员会,第十四份报告,29,霍雷肖·沃波尔致罗伯特·特雷弗,1739.46年5月1日至12日TNA, SP 78/220, fos。1739.47 TNA, sp45 / 2,3和1739.48 TNA, sp78 /220, fos, 6月8日,Newcastle至Waldegrave, 234-35v。235v-36,纽卡斯尔到瓦德格拉夫,1739年6月8日;历史手稿委员会,第十四次报告,32,33 - 4,霍雷肖·沃波尔给罗伯特·特雷弗,1739年6月1日至12日和8月19日;BL,添加ms32800, fos。392v-93, [Newcastle] to [Keene], 1739年5月8日《瓦德格拉夫到纽卡斯尔》,1739年6月26日(新编)TNA, SP78/221, fos。《瓦尔德格雷夫到纽卡斯尔》,1739年8月1日和15日,第51页BL,添加MS 3299359,“考虑”,1739年6月3日;TNA, SP 45/2, 3 June 1739.52半径标注48 v-49。”《给阿道克海军少将的指示》,1739年6月6日;TNA, SP 94/133,“Cayley领事来自加的斯的信件摘录”,1739年6月2日;BL,添加MS 32801, fos1739年6月15日,7月9日和14日,第48,115-115v, 121,基恩到纽卡斯尔,1739年3月53日BL,添加MS 32801号。143v,基恩到纽卡斯尔,1739.54年7月27日,加MS 32800, fos。1739.55年5月18日,基恩至纽卡斯尔的359-359v号邮编:32801号。23, 72-72v, 180-1
{"title":"Severing the Sinews of the Spanish Empire: British Naval Policy and Operations Regarding the Silver Fleets during the War of Jenkins’ Ear, 1737–1740","authors":"Shinsuke Satsuma","doi":"10.1080/03086534.2023.2275330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2023.2275330","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn studies on the War of Jenkins’ Ear, a conflict between the British and Spanish empires, historians tend to focus on colonial expeditions, such as those against Porto Bello and Cartagena. On the other hand, operations against Spanish silver fleets, the mainstay of the Spanish imperial trade system, have attracted far less attention. This article examines these somewhat undervalued operations against the silver fleets as well as those concerning other Spanish shipping during the War of Jenkins’ Ear, giving their political and diplomatic backgrounds. This analysis demonstrates the significance of the issue of the silver fleets in Anglo-Spanish relations at the time. It also indicates the deep involvement of France in this issue and its influence on British naval operations. Finally, this article describes the development and implementation of British naval policy to put economic and financial pressure on the Spanish empire, arguing that the naval operations during this period were one of the earliest attempts at using blockades on both sides of the Atlantic, which Britain further developed in later imperial wars that took place during the long eighteenth century.KEYWORDS: BritainSpainFranceempireWar of Jenkins’ EarNavysilver fleetstradeblockade AcknowledgementsI am grateful to Professor N.A.M. Rodger, Professor Jeremy Black and the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on this article.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In this paper, all dates are given in the Old Style of the Julian Calendar except where the date is specifically indicated as New Style by (n.s.) or both dates are used (e.g. 6/17 August). The new year is taken to have begun on 1 January, not 25 March.2 For example, see Richmond, Navy, i; Harding, Amphibious Warfare. However, it should be noted that Richmond was aware of the importance of intercepting the silver fleets. Richmond, Navy, i. 145, 277–8, vol. ii. 245.3 For the establishment of the Western Squadron, see, Duffy, “Establishment”.4 Torres Sánchez, Constructing a Fiscal-Military State, 138–40, 154, 214.5 Pares, War and Trade, 109–14.6 Woodfine, Britannia’s Glories, esp., 175–6, 214; Harding, Emergence, esp., 57–8. Chapman, Disaster, 67–6, 70.7 Wilson, “Empire,” 74–109.8 Regarding the period of the War of Spanish Succession, there is an article on the issue of the silver fleets by Kamen. Kamen, “Destruction,” 165–73.9 Walker, Spanish Politics, 4–5; Pares, War, 3, 112–3. In addition, ships called avisos sailed between Spain and her American colonies, but their duty was to carry official papers and information, not valuable cargo.10 In the Pacific, Manila Galleons, or vessels engaged in the trans-pacific trade between Manila and Acapulco, were another important target for the British navy. For Manila Galleons, see Schurz, “Mexico”; Walker, Spanish Politics, 6–7. During the War of Austrian Succession, Commodore Anson succeeded in capturing one of them. Fo","PeriodicalId":46214,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF IMPERIAL AND COMMONWEALTH HISTORY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135475066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Emigration, War and Reconstruction: Imagining the International Dispersal of Britain in the 1940s 移民、战争与重建:想象20世纪40年代英国的国际分散
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2268325
Adam Page
Debates about reconstruction in Britain at the end of the Second World War included proposals to migrate up to half of the country’s population across the Dominions. The advocates for mass migration included prominent figures in British civilian and military planning who were informed by anxieties about the consequences of a future war, the potential for demographic and trade imbalances to provoke social and economic problems, and concerns about Britain’s place in the new balance of power. This article looks in detail at proposals to disperse millions of people from Britain by influential planner E.A.A. Rowse and Sir Henry Tizard, a prominent military scientist who held numerous high positions in the wartime and post-war governments. Proposals for mass migration on such a scale were outlandish and radical and have been somewhat dismissed in the historiography as a result, but a close analysis of these two interventions highlights how continuities in thinking about town planning and development in Britain intersected with those about migration and imperial development and were reframed by the emerging Cold War.
第二次世界大战结束后,关于英国重建的辩论包括将全国一半人口迁移到各自治领的建议。大规模移民的倡导者包括英国文职和军事规划领域的知名人士,他们对未来战争的后果感到焦虑,担心人口和贸易失衡可能引发社会和经济问题,担心英国在新的权力平衡中的地位。这篇文章详细介绍了有影响力的规划师E.A.A.罗斯和亨利·蒂泽德爵士提出的将数百万人从英国驱逐的建议。亨利·蒂泽德爵士是一位杰出的军事科学家,在战时和战后的政府中担任过许多高级职位。如此规模的大规模移民的提议是古怪而激进的,因此在历史编纂中多少被忽视了,但对这两次干预的仔细分析突出了英国城镇规划和发展的思考的连续性与移民和帝国发展的思考的连续性交叉在一起,并被新兴的冷战重新定义。
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引用次数: 0
Practical Christianity in Practice: Chinese Youth Culture and the Scouting Movement as Seen by British Missionaries at the Griffith John College, Hankou, 1915–1925 实践中的实践基督教:汉口葛里菲书院英国传教士眼中的中国青年文化与童军运动,1915-1925
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2268324
Peter Kwok-Fai Law
ABSTRACTThis article, which highlights the religious origin of early Chinese scouting, scrutinises the connections between scouting, Christianity, and cultural exchange in early twentieth-century China. It provides insight into the history of Chinese youth by examining how British missionary scoutmasters, highly critical of Chinese parenting, introduced an alternate model of adolescence with a ‘civilising’ mission at Griffith John College – a mission school founded by the London Missionary Society in Hankou for Chinese male adolescents. This article contends that Chinese scouting was initially designed as an effective means to practice Christianity in evangelical ministries which equipped Chinese scouts with ‘fine virtues’ – elements that shaped them to become ‘good citizens’ and help them ‘overcome’ superstitious social customs. Apart from studying the role of scouting in China, this article also examines the effects of Christian missions on Chinese society in the cultural exchange influenced by the ‘civilising’ perspective that upheld by missionary scoutmasters. The cultural imperialism inherent in scout training hindered the development of a thorough Chinese citizenship at the national level. But the ways foreign evangelists educated their boy scouts did bring some positive impacts on Chinese youth culture, enlarging the scope of Christian missions to different possibilities and creative potential in cultural interaction between the colonisers and the colonised.KEYWORDS: ScoutingparentingcitizenshipChristian missionscultural exchange AcknowledgmentI wish to sincerely thank Robert Bickers, Ning Jennifer Chang, Huei-min Sun, Albert Monshan Wu, Jonathan Henshaw, William Sima, James Fellows, Helena Lopes, Stig Thøgersen, and an anonymous reviewer for their kind assistance and valuable advice. I also want to convey my deepest gratitude to the Academia Sinica's Institute of Modern History for its generous funding for my postdoctoral research project on missionary scoutmasters in Republican China. Finally, my heartfelt thanks go to my PhD supervisor Lars Laamann who gave me unfailing, unconditional support, including providing me with important primary materials during the time when the SOAS library had very limited access due to London's lockdown in 2021.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Stanley, The Bible and the Flag, 157.2 Sze-Hang, “The Scouts Movement,”1–50.3 Jin-lin, “Authority over the Body”; Morris, Marrow of the Nation, 241–42.4 Schillinger, The Body and Military Masculinity, 302; Boehmer, “Introduction,” xxvi–xxvii, xxxviii–xxix.5 Tillman, “The ‘Whole Child’ in Transition.”6 Culp, Articulating Citizenship, 188.7 Wang, “Bishop Frederik R. Graves and the Changing Context of China,” 46.8 Lutz, Chinese Politics and Christian Missions, 155–56.9 Boehmer, “Introduction,” xxii.10 Dunch, “Beyond Cultural Imperialism,” 325.11 Springhall, Youth, Empire, and Society, 53, 77–78; Boehmer, “Introdu
(汉口:博学书院,1915),5;“格里菲斯约翰学院,建校日”,《华中邮报》,1914年5月11日,CWM/LMS/Central China/Reports/Box 7, SOAS《中国教育目录》1918年第29期第47页,《斯坦利·鲍克瑟致中国童军协会上海分会地区童军团长赫茨莱特先生的信》,1916年7月2日:1,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案馆,吉尔维尔;《中国教育目录1918》,29.48伯纳德·厄普普,《1925年汉口格里菲斯约翰学院报告》,11,《中国、印度等地方报告》,CWML A.3/2, SOAS;Arthur De C. Sowerry,“英国对中国教育的影响”,华北先驱报,1925年10月24日,175.49 Wang,“Ji汉口boxue书院”,156.50 Griffith John College Hankou, 5-6.51 Wang,“Ji汉口boxue书院”,156.52 Bernard Upward,“1920,”13,“中国印度等地方报告”,CWML A.3/2, soas53“Stanley Boxer给Hertslet先生的信”,2.54 Upward,“1920,”“中国印度等地方报告”,14;"斯坦利·鲍克瑟给赫茨莱特先生的信" 2 - 3.55同上,3.56同上,2;《汉口天气指南汉口天气分析》第1-3期;“汉口气象调查”,华北先驱报,1919年3月15日,729.57鲍克瑟,“童子军与国际联盟”,107-8.58中国教育目录1917,45;格里菲斯约翰学院,8岁;中国童子军协会:政策、组织和规则,1.59,同上,60,Boehmer,“引言”,xxvi-xxvii.61《中国教育目录1917》,45.62莫里斯,《国粹》,38;Schillinger,《身体与军人阳刚之气》,第298-99.63页。64“C. Heape给Robert Baden-Powell的一封信”,1915年1月16日,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案馆,gilwell65 Boxer,“基督教学校”,742-43.66斯科特,“童军法的起源”。67中国童子军协会,第4-5页。《华北日报》记者向读者指出,CBSA的政策、组织和规则的暂行规定都是模仿英美书籍中的规定。“中国童军协会”,《华北日报》1915年10月2日,8.68中国童军协会,1-5;“罗伯特·贝登堡给詹姆斯·韦斯特的一封信”,1916年2月16日,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案馆,吉尔维尔;中国童军协会,27-30.70《史丹利·鲍克瑟致中国童军协会上海分会名誉秘书L. C.希利的信》,1915年11月21日,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案,吉尔维尔。71 .费尔曼,“在这里你不能是无神论者”,74.72“中国的童军”,童军协会总部公报,1916年12月,327.73同上。74鲍克瑟,“中国的新男孩”,126.75同上。76同上。77“中国的童军”327.78 Boehmer,“导论”,第19页;阿杜:《晋升童军团长考试》,《中国教育目录》1917年第80期,第44-45页;中国童军协会,1-11.81《童军会对本议案的意见》。《上海童子军史》,郑浩章主编。上海:中国桐梓军联社,1933,69-70;“上海商界抵制活动第二天”。《上海时报》,1919年6月7日,第9期;鲁滨逊,《宗思令罗斌生》,《对雨的把握》,《风潮之志》,82向上,“1925年报告”,2-6.83同上。84沃伦,“帝国公民”,250-51.85贝登堡,男孩的童子军,351-52.86古里克,中国古代的性生活,47.87 Dikötter,中国的性,文化和现代性,165-68.88 Puk,“手印大成文提”,243-44.89“斯坦利·鲍克瑟给罗伯特·贝登堡的信”,1916年11月19日,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案馆,吉尔维尔,90同上。91“斯坦利·鲍克瑟给罗伯特·贝登堡的信”斯坦利·鲍克瑟目睹了打捞一名溺水者的过程,这名溺水者被拖到船头下,尸体上罩着一顶天篷。为了避免水妖“进”船,船夫把身体的脚放在水里。参见《斯坦利·鲍克瑟给罗伯特·贝登堡的信》,1916年7月2日,TC/50,创始人档案,英国童军协会档案馆,吉尔维尔。94格雷厄姆,中国西南民间宗教,123-24.95也有人认为水妖可能埋伏在那里,让人们拉入水中,并可能使这些受害者取代他们。参见Jordan, Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors, 57.96 Graham, Folk Religion in China Southwest, 123-24.97 " Stanley Boxer给Hertslet先生的一封信。98同上,99同上,100“斯坦利·鲍克瑟给罗伯特·贝登堡的信”,1916年7月2日。 101“斯坦利·鲍克瑟给赫茨莱特先生的信。“102 Boxer,一个中国童子军的故事,94-97.103“一所有前途的大学,”华北先驱报,1918年6月1日,516.104 Boxer,一个中国童子军的故事,52.105同上,60.106同上,123.107同上,123-24.108同上,104-5.109 Boxer,“童子军与国际联盟”107-8.110同上,111向上,1920,“11-13.112王,“纪汉口boxue shuyuan”,156.113蔡宪民,“Kule wode jianbang”,61.114同上,115“中国童子军”,327.116 Du,“学生时代”,ssize - hang,《童子军运动》,1-50.122 MacKenzie,《宣传与帝国》,247-49.123 Stanley,《圣经与旗帜》,184.124 Schillinger,《身体与军人男子气概》,302;Sze-Hang,“童子军运动”,128-29.125 Boehmer,“引言”,xxix-xxx.126唐奇,《超越文化帝国主义》,325页。本研究由台湾中央研究院近代史研究所博士后资助,期限为2020年12月至2022年1月。
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引用次数: 0
The Small Spaces of Empire: Long-distance Trade, Anglo-Indian Foodways and the Bottlekhana 帝国的小空间:长途贸易,盎格鲁-印度食品之路和Bottlekhana
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2244750
Swati Chattopadhyay
ABSTRACTThis article is an invitation to shift the analytic focus of empire to its small spaces. Bringing one aspect of the trade history of British India – the trade in European provisions and foodstuff – in conversation with the history of colonial architecture and Anglo-Indian foodways, I argue that small spaces might reveal cultural practices and attendant structures of power that are not evident when our attention remains lodged in dominant transactions, large spaces, big events, and bulk commodities. In this article I specifically turn to the bottlekhana, a storage space in colonial buildings in India, and its role in mediating the consumption of European food. This line of inquiry takes the discussion of European imports to India to the realm of servants and women who rarely figure in trade histories of the British empire.KEYWORDS: Anglo-Indian foodwaysimport tradetrade historyEuropean provisionsbottlekhanasmall spacescolonial architecturematerial culture Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Advertisement of provisions, Calcutta Gazette, May 18, 1797.2 Kipling, ‘The Mother Lodge’, Sussex Edition, 152.3 Furedy, ‘British Tradesmen of Calcutta 1830–1900’.4 Ray, ‘Asian Capital’, 449–50.5 Roy, The East India Company, 208.6 For general merchandise see Tomlinson, ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree’, 779.7 Bowen, ‘Sinews of Trade and Empire’, 482–83.8 Bowen, ‘The Consumption of British Manufactured Goods in India’, 27.9 For the substantial literature on the subject see Tripathi, Trade and Finance in the Bengal Presidency; Jones, Merchants of the Raj; Ray ‘Asian Capital’; Marshall, East India Fortunes; Bowen, The Business of Empire; Markovits, Global World of Indian Merchants; Munro, Maritime Enterprise and Empire; Tomlinson, ‘British Business in India’; Ray (ed), Entrepreneurship and Industry; Roy, ‘Trading Firms in Colonial India’; Webster, ‘An Early Global Business’; Webster, ‘The Strategies and Limits of Gentlemanly Capitalism’.10 For example, for the export trade see Berg, ‘In Pursuit of Luxury’; Rappaport, Thirst for Empire.11 Arnold, ‘Global Goods’; Arnold, Everyday Technologies. For a history of consumption in South Asia from the late nineteenth century onwards, see Haynes, et al, Towards a History of Consumption.12 Collingham, The Taste of Empire.13 East India Company, Accounts Presented to the House of Commons, 1808; Report on the External Commerce, 1812; An Account of all Goods, 1820.14 An account of all goods, the produce of the East Indies and China, 1811.15 An account of all goods, 1820.16 Tripathi, Trade and Finance, 78.17 The market size for imported consumables was an estimated 1 million people in the first decades of the twentieth century, cited in Ray, ‘Introduction’, Entrepreneurship and Industry, 17–18.18 Hull, The European in India, 83–6.19 Chattopadhyay, ‘Colonial Port Cities’, and Chattopadhyay Small Spaces: Recasting the Architecture of the British Empire. For more on the liquor
摘要本文旨在将帝国的分析焦点转移到它的小空间。将英属印度贸易历史的一个方面——欧洲食品和食品的贸易——与殖民建筑和盎格鲁-印度食品方式的历史进行对话,我认为,当我们的注意力仍然停留在主导交易、大空间、大事件和大宗商品上时,小空间可能会揭示文化习俗和随之而来的权力结构。在这篇文章中,我特别谈到了印度殖民地建筑中的一个储存空间——瓶库,以及它在调解欧洲食品消费方面的作用。这条探究路线将欧洲对印度进口的讨论带到了很少出现在大英帝国贸易史上的仆人和妇女领域。关键词:盎格鲁-印度食品之路进口贸易贸易历史欧洲条款瓶子小空间殖民建筑物质文化披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1《供应广告》,《加尔各答公报》,179年5月18日。2.吉卜林,《母亲小屋》,苏塞克斯版,1523 .富雷迪,《加尔各答的英国商人1830-1900》Ray,《亚洲资本》,449-50.5 Roy,《东印度公司》,208.6一般商品见Tomlinson,《从Campsie到kegeree》,779.7 Bowen,《贸易与帝国的脉络》,482-83.8 Bowen,《英国制成品在印度的消费》,27.9关于这一主题的大量文献见Tripathi,《孟加拉总统任期的贸易与金融》;琼斯,《印度商人》;Ray“亚洲资本”;马歇尔,东印度财富;鲍文:《帝国的商业》;Markovits,全球印度商人世界;Munro, Maritime Enterprise and Empire;汤姆林森,《英国在印度的商业》;雷(主编),创业与工业;罗伊,《殖民地印度的贸易公司》;韦伯斯特,《早期全球商业》;韦伯斯特,《绅士资本主义的策略与局限》,第10页例如,关于出口贸易,请参阅伯格的《追求奢侈品》;11阿诺德,《全球商品》;阿诺德,每日科技公司。19世纪末以来南亚的消费史,见海恩斯等人的《走向消费史》。12科林汉姆的《帝国的味道》。13东印度公司的《向下议院提交的账目》,1808年;对外贸易报告(1812年);所有货物的说明,1820.14所有货物的说明,东印度群岛和中国的产品,1811.15所有货物的说明,1820.16 Tripathi,贸易和金融,78.17在20世纪的头几十年,进口消费品的市场规模估计为100万人,引自Ray,“介绍”,企业家精神和工业,17-18.18 Hull,欧洲人在印度,83-6.19 Chattopadhyay,“殖民地港口城市”,和Chattopadhyay小空间:重塑大英帝国的建筑。欲了解更多关于印度殖民时期酒的地理信息,请参见Wald,“管理瓶子”;古德曼,《放纵的空间》;fisher - tin<s:1>,《我们国人的饮酒习惯》通常,除了关于仆人管理和露营准备的建议外,书中还会用整整一章来描述储藏室。例如,参见斯蒂尔和加德纳的《完整的印度管家和指南》和维恩的《烹饪笔记》。21迪兹的《被遗忘的小事》22同上,5.23米尔本的《东方商业》第一卷,187-195;根据米尔本1805年的统计,加尔各答有26家英国、12家亚美尼亚、6家葡萄牙的代理行,还有“非常多”的印度银行家、商人和代理人,其中21家被列为“主要”(第1卷,170)。在孟买,列出了6家“欧洲代理商”、4家“酒商和店主”、3家葡萄牙人和4家亚美尼亚人“商人和代理商”、16家“波斯人”、15家印度人和4家穆斯林商人,以及2家“中国代理商”和6家“造船商”,所有这些人都是帕西人(Vol. II, 234)。在马德拉斯,12家英国代理公司被列出,并提到“许多葡萄牙人、亚美尼亚人和居住在黑镇的当地商人”(卷1,66)辛格,欧洲机构公司;汤姆林森,《从坎普西到吉吉里》26米尔本,东方商业,Vol. II, 123.27爱德华·蒂雷塔的集市建立于1780年代,转手多次,最终在19世纪晚期被布尔德万的王公占领。1808年,戈皮·莫罕·泰戈尔买下了《中国集市》,创办了《新中国集市》(塞顿·克尔选集第四卷,432-33页)。19世纪下半叶,孟加拉商人和地主拥有这座城市40个市场中的大部分。欲了解更多,请参阅Dasgupta的《A City Away from Home》。28 Kalikata街道指南,1915.29 Darukhanawala, Parsi Lustre, 227。 帕西企业家Kekhashru Jamshedji Mody(1861-1928)在孟买、普那和德里拥有一个由棉纺厂、保险公司、酒店以及普那的葡萄酒零售店和矿泉水厂组成的商业网络。1875年爱德华八世在孟买逗留期间,Sorabji Pestonji & Co先生的公司为他提供了粮食和物资(Darukhanawala, Parsi Lustre, 398)。1896年,Edulji Bhikaji Nakra在Singareni煤矿开了一家名为B.E. Nakra & Sons的葡萄酒和粮食商店,随后在1906年成立了Bhikaji Dadabhai & Co公司,并在德干河的Warangal, nargonda, Nizamabad, Bidar, Raichur, Karimnagar和Kopbal地区开展了广泛的业务。1934年,Edulji Nakra在Secunderabad开设了The Elite Wine and General Stores,以迎合欧洲客户(Darukhanawala, Parsi Lustre, 649-50)《加尔各答的英国商人》(1830-1900)这样的例子不胜枚举。1812年,纽金特夫人注意到勒克瑙纳瓦布宫殿的早餐服务是Colebrookdale瓷器(Cohen,纽金特夫人的东印度杂志,136页)。后来,纽金特夫人送给他“一份甜点礼,是用科尔布鲁克戴尔瓷器做的,每件瓷器都涂上了不同的颜色,都是镀金的,上面有三打茶杯——它们非常华丽,我敢说会让他非常高兴,尤其是我在卢诺的英国瓷器中没有看到任何这样的东西”(153页)。关于欧洲室内装饰的讨论,见Jaffer,“印度装饰”;Ahlawat,“玻璃帝国”;Chattopadhyay,《货物、动产和杂项》和《原始积累的另一面》。在19世纪70年代以来泰戈尔等孟加拉精英家庭的回忆录中,经常提到罐头饼干、黄油、果酱和蜜饯。泰戈尔(Rwitendranath Tagore)曾乘船从加尔各答前往贝纳拉斯(Benaras),我们从他的描述中得知,他们将鱼、蔬菜、牛奶、可可等罐头食品与谷物、扁豆、茶、黄油等一起带去准备饭菜。34 .在邀请欧洲人参加的特殊活动中,餐食由欧洲酒馆老板和食品供应商提供(泰戈尔,《Jalpathe Kashi Jatra》)同上36《加尔各答公报》,1786年6月8日一些佣金代理,如Morgan, Williamson, Davidson, and Co.,每月一次从加尔各答向内陆地区派遣他们自己的船只到Futtyghur,以与他们在加尔各答的佣金仓库相同的费率向在加尔各答没有自己代理的居民和零售商供应货物,并提供有关此类货物如何投保的额外信息。米尔本,第二卷,123.40同上,123.41拉斐尔,《外国人的承诺》。42在次大陆的沿海地区,印第安人用烟熏和盐腌鱼已经
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2023.2210789
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引用次数: 0
Neurasthenia at Mengo Hospital, Uganda: A case study in psychiatry and a diagnosis, 1906-50. 乌干达蒙戈医院的神经衰弱:精神病学和诊断的案例研究,1906- 1950。
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-03 Epub Date: 2016-01-11 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2015.1123975
Yolana Pringle

This article uses a case-study approach to examine the complex and contradictory nature of diagnoses like neurasthenia in colonial Africa. Drawing on the case notes of European and African patients diagnosed with neurasthenia at the Church Missionary Society's Mengo Hospital, Uganda, it argues that in practice, and outside the colonial asylum in particular, ideas about race and mental illness were more nuanced than histories of psychiatry and empire might imply. At Mengo, the tales of pain and suffering recorded by the doctors remind us that there is more to the history of neurasthenia than colonial anxieties and socio-political control. This was a diagnosis that was negotiated in hospital examination rooms as much as in medical journals. Significantly, it was also a diagnosis that was not always reserved exclusively for white colonisers-at Mengo Hospital from the early 1900s neurasthenia was diagnosed in African patients too. It became part of a wider discussion about detribalisation, in which a person's social environment was as important as race.

本文采用个案研究的方法来研究非洲殖民地神经衰弱等诊断的复杂性和矛盾性。根据在乌干达教会传教士协会的Mengo医院被诊断为神经衰弱的欧洲和非洲病人的病例记录,它认为在实践中,特别是在殖民地庇护之外,关于种族和精神疾病的想法比精神病学和帝国的历史可能暗示的更加微妙。在Mengo,医生们记录的痛苦和折磨的故事提醒我们,神经衰弱的历史不仅仅是殖民焦虑和社会政治控制。这个诊断在医院的检查室和医学杂志上都有讨论。值得注意的是,这种诊断并不总是只为白人殖民者保留——20世纪初,在蒙戈医院,非洲患者也被诊断出神经衰弱。它成为了一个更广泛的关于去部族化的讨论的一部分,在这个讨论中,一个人的社会环境和种族一样重要。
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引用次数: 3
Gnawing Pains, Festering Ulcers, and Nightmare Suffering: Selling Leprosy as a Humanitarian Cause in the British Empire, c. 1890-1960. 啃噬的疼痛,溃烂的溃疡,梦魇般的痛苦:出售麻风病作为人道主义事业在大英帝国,约1890-1960。
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2012-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2012.730839
Kathleen Vongsathorn

When British attention was drawn to the issue of leprosy in the Empire, humanitarian organisations rose to take on responsibility for the 'fight against leprosy'. In an effort to fundraise for a distant cause at a time when hundreds of charities competed for the financial support of British citizens, fundraisers developed propaganda to set leprosy apart from all other humanitarian causes. They drew on leprosy's relationship with Christianity, its debilitating symptoms, and the supposed vulnerability of leprosy sufferers in order to mobilise Britain's sense of humanitarian, Christian, and patriotic duty. This article traces the emergence of leprosy as a popular imperial humanitarian cause in modern Britain and analyses the narratives of religion, suffering, and disease that they created and employed in order to fuel their growth and sell leprosy as a British humanitarian cause.

当英国人的注意力被吸引到帝国的麻风病问题上时,人道主义组织开始承担起“与麻风病作斗争”的责任。当时,数百家慈善机构竞相争取英国公民的财政支持,为了为一项遥远的事业筹集资金,筹款人制定了宣传措施,将麻风病与所有其他人道主义事业区分开来。他们利用麻风病与基督教的关系,其令人衰弱的症状,以及麻风病患者所谓的脆弱性,来调动英国的人道主义意识、基督教意识和爱国责任感。本文追溯了麻风病作为现代英国流行的帝国人道主义事业的出现,并分析了他们创造和使用的宗教,痛苦和疾病的叙述,以推动他们的发展,并将麻风病作为英国人道主义事业出售。
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引用次数: 7
Bad blood: poverty, psychopathy and the politics of transgression in Kenya Colony, 1939-59. 仇恨:贫穷、精神病和肯尼亚殖民地的越界政治,1939- 1959。
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2011.543795
Will Jackson

This article examines the inter-relationship between psychiatry and sex, both fertile fields within the recent historiography of colonialism and empire. Using a series of case files pertaining to European patients admitted to the Mathari Mental Hospital in Nairobi during the 1940s and 1950s, this article shows how sexual transgression among colonial Europeans precipitated, and was combined with, mental distress. Considering psychiatric treatment as a form of social control, the article investigates a number of cases in which a European patient had been perceived to have transgressed the normative sexual behaviour codes of settler society in Kenya. What these files suggest is that transgressive sexuality in Kenya was itself framed by indices, as insistent as they were uncertain, of gender, race and class. While psychiatry as social control has some degree of purchase here, more valuable is an attempt to discern the particular ways in which certain forms of sexual behaviour were understood in diagnostic terms. Men who had sex with Africans, we see, tended to be diagnosed as 'depressed' on arrival at the hospital but were judged to be mentally normal consequently. Women, by contrast, were liable to be diagnosed as psychopathic, a diagnosis, I argue, that helped to explain the uniquely transgressive status of impoverished European women living alone in the margins of white society. Unlike white men, moreover, women did not have to have sex with non-Europeans to transgress sexual codes: this is because female poverty was a sexual problem in a way that male poverty decidedly was not. Poor white women were marked by uncertainty over their sexual behaviour—and dubious racial identity in its turn—and the problem of social contamination was described by reference both to the polluted racial ancestry of an individual and to the prospective contamination of healthy racial stocks. This article aims to address current historical debates around sex and empire, 'white subalternity' and the social history of psychiatry and mental health. All names have been changed to protect patient anonymity.

这篇文章探讨了精神病学和性之间的相互关系,这两者都是殖民主义和帝国近代史研究的沃土。这篇文章利用了一系列与20世纪40年代和50年代在内罗毕Mathari精神病院住院的欧洲病人有关的案件档案,展示了殖民时期欧洲人的性侵犯是如何促成并与精神痛苦结合在一起的。考虑到精神病治疗是社会控制的一种形式,文章调查了一些案例,其中一名欧洲病人被认为违反了肯尼亚定居者社会的规范性行为准则。这些文件表明,肯尼亚的越轨性行为本身是由性别、种族和阶级的指标构成的,这些指标既坚持又不确定。虽然精神病学作为一种社会控制在这里有一定程度的价值,但更有价值的是试图辨别某些形式的性行为在诊断术语中被理解的特定方式。我们看到,与非洲人发生性关系的男性在抵达医院时往往被诊断为“抑郁”,但最终被判定为精神正常。相比之下,女性更容易被诊断为精神病患者,我认为,这一诊断有助于解释生活在白人社会边缘的贫穷欧洲女性独特的越界地位。此外,与白人男性不同的是,女性不必与非欧洲人发生性关系来违反性规范:这是因为女性的贫困是一个性问题,而男性的贫困在某种程度上显然不是。贫穷的白人妇女的特点是对自己的性行为不确定——继而是可疑的种族身份——社会污染的问题被描述为一个人被污染的种族血统和健康的种族储备的潜在污染。本文旨在探讨当前关于性与帝国、“白人次等性”以及精神病学和心理健康社会史的历史争论。为保护患者匿名,所有患者姓名均已更改。
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引用次数: 10
From convicts to colonists: the health of prisoners and the voyage to Australia, 1823-53. 从囚犯到殖民者:囚犯的健康与 1823-53 年的澳大利亚之旅。
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2011.543793
Katherine Foxhall

From 1815, naval surgeons accompanied all convict voyages from Britain and Ireland to the Australian colonies. As their authority grew, naval surgeons on convict ships increasingly used their medical observations about the health of convicts to make pointed and sustained criticisms of British penal reforms. Beyond their authority at sea, surgeons' journals and correspondence brought debates about penal reform in Britain into direct conversation with debates about colonial transportation. In the 1830s, naval surgeons' claims brought them into conflict with their medical colleagues on land, as well as with the colonial governor, George Arthur. As the surgeons continued their attempts to combat scurvy, their rhetoric changed. By the late 1840s, as convicts' bodies betrayed the disturbing effects of separate confinement as they boarded the convict ships, surgeons could argue convincingly that the voyage itself was a space that could medically, physically and spiritually reform convicts. By the mid-1840s, surgeons took the role of key arbiters of convicts' potential contribution to the Australian colonies.

从 1815 年起,从英国和爱尔兰到澳大利亚殖民地的所有囚犯航程都有海军外科医生随行。随着他们权威的提升,囚犯船上的海军外科医生越来越多地利用他们对囚犯健康的医学观察,对英国的刑罚改革提出尖锐而持久的批评。除了他们在海上的权威外,外科医生的日志和信件还将英国刑罚改革的辩论与殖民地运输的辩论直接联系起来。19 世纪 30 年代,海军外科医生的主张使他们与陆地上的医学同行以及殖民地总督乔治-阿瑟发生冲突。随着外科医生们继续努力防治坏血病,他们的言论也发生了变化。到了 19 世纪 40 年代末,当囚犯们登上囚犯船时,他们的身体已经暴露出单独监禁所带来的令人不安的影响,外科医生们可以令人信服地辩称,航行本身就是一个可以从医学、身体和精神上改造囚犯的空间。到 19 世纪 40 年代中期,外科医生已成为囚犯对澳大利亚殖民地潜在贡献的主要仲裁者。
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引用次数: 0
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