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Video Self-Modeling as an Intervention for Oral Reading Fluency 视频自我建模对口语阅读流畅性的干预
IF 0.5 Q4 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2014-03-01 DOI: 10.1037/e615362013-001
Rochelle Montgomerie, S. G. Little, Angeleque Akin-Little
Learning to read fluently is a vital part of the reading process. Research shows a link between simple fluency measures and comprehension (e.g., Barth, Tolar, Fletcher, & Francis, 2014; Bolanos et al., 2013; Fuchs, Fuchs, Hosp, & Jenkins, 2001: Kim, Petscher, Schatschneider, & Foorman, 2010), with comprehension being the ultimate goal of any reading instruction. Reading fluency involves efficient effective decoding skills which allow a reader to comprehend text (Pikulski, 2006). There are a number of interventions that have been shown to improve reading fluency to increase accurate and automatic word recognition, assist with comprehension, and promote the use of prosodic features such as stress, pitch, and suitable phrasing. A key aspect of these approaches is that they provide learners with opportunities to read connected text with support through either adult feedback or modeling (Neddenriep, 2014). Therefore, if modeling is a successful component of fluency instruction, would it be more effective if the individual him/herself was the model? Video-self modeling (VSM) is a cognitive-behavioural technique that enables participants to see themselves performing a target behaviour (in this case reading fluently) that is outside their usual repertoire. Hitchcock, Prater, and Dowrick (2004) used VSM in combination with tutoring to improve the reading fluency rates and comprehension of three students with special needs. Their results indicated that viewing the self-modeling video was associated with reduced variability in the data and maintenance of increased performance. Dowrick, Kim-Rupnow, and Power (2006) used a combination of VSM and tutoring in an attempt to improve reading fluency for 10 students with special needs. Their results indicated significant improvements in reading fluency for all students and in 9 out of 10 cases the rate of improvement was greatest when VSM was used. The purpose of this study was to examine whether VSM by itself can improve reading fluency in children who are not classified as special needs, but are simply behind their peers in reading. This group of "delayed readers" (Catts & Kamhi, 2005), tend to eventually gain accurate and fluent word recognition skills, but at a considerably slower pace than their peers. By using VSM with delayed readers the intent of the current study was to improve reading fluency by providing them with the opportunity to view themselves reading fluently, thereby increasing their sense of reading self-efficacy. Reading Fluency The concept of reading fluency has gained momentum in recent years and has been recognized as a critical component of reading (Samuels, 2006). It is now widely accepted that oral reading fluency in a child's first years of school is a strong predictor of reading comprehension in later years (Barth et al., 2014; Bolanos et al., 2013; Kim et al., 2010; Reschley, Busch, Betts, Deno, & Long, 2009.). There seems to be consensus in the research that there are three main compon
学习流利的阅读是阅读过程中至关重要的一部分。研究表明,简单的流利度测量与理解之间存在联系(例如,Barth, Tolar, Fletcher, & Francis, 2014;Bolanos et al., 2013;Fuchs, Fuchs, Hosp, & Jenkins, 2001; Kim, Petscher, Schatschneider, & Foorman, 2010),理解是任何阅读教学的最终目标。阅读流畅性包括有效的解码技能,使读者能够理解文本(Pikulski, 2006)。有许多干预措施已经被证明可以提高阅读流畅性,增加准确和自动的单词识别,帮助理解,促进使用韵律特征,如重音、音高和合适的措辞。这些方法的一个关键方面是,它们为学习者提供了通过成人反馈或建模支持阅读相关文本的机会(Neddenriep, 2014)。因此,如果建模是流利性教学的一个成功组成部分,那么如果个人自己是模型,是否会更有效?视频自我建模(VSM)是一种认知行为技术,它使参与者能够看到自己在执行一种目标行为(在这种情况下流利地阅读),而这种行为超出了他们通常的技能范围。Hitchcock, Prater, and dowick(2004)将VSM与辅导相结合,提高了三名特殊需要学生的阅读流畅率和理解能力。他们的结果表明,观看自我建模视频与减少数据的可变性和保持更高的性能有关。Dowrick, Kim-Rupnow和Power(2006)使用VSM和辅导相结合的方法,试图提高10名有特殊需要的学生的阅读流畅性。他们的结果表明,所有学生的阅读流畅性都有了显著的提高,在使用VSM的情况下,10个案例中有9个的提高幅度最大。本研究的目的是检验VSM本身是否可以提高非特殊需要儿童的阅读流畅性,这些儿童的阅读能力只是落后于他们的同龄人。这群“延迟阅读者”(Catts & Kamhi, 2005)倾向于最终获得准确和流利的单词识别技能,但速度比同龄人慢得多。本研究的目的是通过对延迟阅读者使用VSM,让他们有机会看到自己流畅地阅读,从而提高他们的阅读自我效能感,从而提高阅读流畅性。近年来,阅读流畅性的概念得到了发展,并被认为是阅读的关键组成部分(塞缪尔,2006)。现在人们普遍认为,孩子入学头几年的口语阅读流利程度是日后阅读理解能力的一个强有力的预测指标(Barth et al., 2014;Bolanos et al., 2013;Kim et al., 2010;Reschley, Busch, Betts, Deno, & Long, 2009)。研究似乎一致认为,阅读流畅性有三个主要组成部分:解码的准确性、自动性和韵律性(Kuhn & Stahl, 2003;Rayner, Pollatsek, Ashby, & Clifton, 2012;Schaffner, & Schiefele, 2013;Therrien, Kirk, & Woods-Groves, 2012)。准确的解码意味着有能力为每一个印在纸上的单词生成语音表示(塞缪尔斯)。有大量证据表明,如果给予有系统的解码指导,阅读困难的人会取得进步(例如,Center, Freeman, & Robertson, 2001;福尔曼,弗朗西斯,弗莱彻,Schatschneider, & Mehta, 1998;海蒂,2009;Greaney, Tunmer, & Chapman, 1997;Ryder, Tunmer, & Greaney, 2008)。最古老和最常用的促进流利的方法是基于塞缪尔(1979)自动性理论的重复阅读技巧。读者以适合自己阅读水平的速度多次阅读一段相连的文章,直到达到特定的阅读速度。…
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引用次数: 22
Analysing Smoking Using Te Whare Tapa Wha 使用Whare Tapa Wha分析吸烟
IF 0.5 Q4 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/B978-0-12-415921-1.00011-7
M. Glover
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引用次数: 35
Understanding Prejudice, Racism, and Social Conflict 理解偏见、种族主义和社会冲突
IF 0.5 Q4 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2003-06-01 DOI: 10.4135/9781446218877
Stephen G. Atkins
Augoustinos, M. & Reynolds, K., (Editors) 2001, London: Sage. ISBN 0 7619 6208 5. 362 pages. Prejudice Viewed from Down-Under A professor at a major university in Auckland recently told my wife and I that prejudice is "just not a problem in Auckland." Sadly, for reasons I describe below, I'd say Auckland is awash with prejudice. In my own life here, I've routinely experienced racist comments around Auckland's far North Shore. It might be a lot different in Auckland's city centre (and elsewhere in New Zealand), but it's probably not reasonable to conclude that "prejudice just isn't a problem" here. For instance, it is extremely rare in New Zealand (in my experience) to find professional university-degreed white folks from Britain, Canada, America, or northern Europe stocking grocery market shelves or cleaning toilets for a living. It is, unfortunately, quite commonplace to find post-professional university-degreed non-white folks employed here in this way.... and indefinitely so. Most I've met speak excellent English (and probably have since kindergarten). But their accents betray that they are not Brits or Kiwis or North Americans. One immigrant I know of holds postgraduate degrees from two prestigious British universities. He formerly (and quite recently) served as a full professor in a "high-tech" field at a prestigious university on the Mediterranean. Awarded abundant points on his New Zealand immigration form for his immense technical education, he's been here for a few years now--driving a taxicab. Another unfortunately typical example: a husband and wife in strife-torn Sri Lanka had applied to the NZ immigration service only to be told that they were close enough to qualifying (with their Bachelors degrees) that they should pursue Masters degrees and then re-apply. In desperation, they forced themselves and their children to sacrifice normal family relations so that both parents could continue full-time employment while also completing an intensive (and expensive) full-time MBA programme in Sri Lanka. These parents had their children take care of themselves for two years under these stressful conditions--just to qualify for New Zealand immigration. Having been here over a year now, they still work in menial entry-level employment (delivering morning newspapers house-to-house and working a late-night shift pumping petrol into cars)--with personal finances so depleted by the move that additional relocation is highly unlikely. Just from my own casual acquaintances, I could easily provide a dozen Auckland examples like this--I suspect many Aucklanders could. Obviously, the "plural of anecdote is not necessarily data" (anonymous aphorism) and the role of prejudice in this problem remains an empirical question--but if Kiwi business interests required this kind of deceptive "points-based" immigration to flatten local salary pressures, it surely has gone far enough (and doubtless went far enough several years ago). Collectively, we've immigrated te
Augoustinos, M. & Reynolds, K.,(编辑)2001,伦敦:Sage。Isbn 0 7619 6208362页。最近,奥克兰一所主要大学的一位教授告诉我和妻子,偏见“在奥克兰根本不是问题”。可悲的是,由于我下面描述的原因,我不得不说奥克兰充斥着偏见。在我自己的生活中,我经常在奥克兰遥远的北岸听到种族主义言论。在奥克兰市中心(以及新西兰的其他地方),情况可能会大不相同,但在这里得出“偏见根本不是问题”的结论可能是不合理的。例如,在新西兰(以我的经验),很难找到来自英国、加拿大、美国或北欧的有大学学位的专业白人在杂货店货架上摆货或打扫厕所。不幸的是,在这里找到大学毕业后的非白人以这种方式就业是很常见的....永远如此。我遇到的大多数人都能说一口流利的英语(可能从幼儿园开始)。但他们的口音暴露了他们不是英国人、新西兰人或北美人。我认识的一位移民拥有英国两所著名大学的研究生学位。他以前(最近)在地中海一所著名大学担任“高科技”领域的正教授。他在新西兰的移民表格上获得了很多分数,因为他接受了大量的技术教育,现在他已经在这里呆了几年——开出租车。另一个不幸的典型例子是:一对生活在战乱不断的斯里兰卡的夫妇向新西兰移民局提出申请,结果却被告知他们已经足够接近资格(拥有学士学位),他们应该攻读硕士学位,然后再重新申请。在绝望中,他们强迫自己和孩子牺牲正常的家庭关系,以便父母双方都能继续全职工作,同时在斯里兰卡完成一个密集(且昂贵)的全日制MBA课程。这些父母让他们的孩子在这种紧张的条件下照顾自己两年,只是为了有资格获得新西兰移民。来到这里已经一年多了,他们仍然做着卑微的初级工作(挨家挨户送晨报,上晚班给汽车加油)——搬家已经耗尽了他们的个人财力,再搬迁的可能性很小。就我自己的熟人而言,我可以很容易地提供一打这样的奥克兰例子——我怀疑许多奥克兰人都可以。显然,“轶事的复数不一定是数据”(匿名格言),偏见在这个问题中的作用仍然是一个实证问题——但如果新西兰的商业利益需要这种欺骗性的“基于积分的”移民来平定当地的工资压力,那么它肯定已经走得太远了(毫无疑问,几年前就已经走得太远了)。总的来说,在这种错误的前提下,我们已经把成千上万的人移民到了新西兰——可能会毁掉成千上万的职业(考虑到这种情况给每个移民的简历带来的巨大差距)。在过去的几年里,我听到新西兰媒体评论员对“人才流失”感到担忧——在这种担忧中,我不记得他们提到过拥有专业学位和经验的就业不足的移民。造成这种悲惨情况的因素和动机并不都与偏见有关,但它很可能是一个组成部分——结果令人震惊。在我看来,这是对国家的嘲弄——当然也表明偏见可能确实是“奥克兰和其他地方的一个问题”。可悲的是,偏见几乎无处不在,而且通常是阴险的。我们中的许多人可能是在幼儿园或小学的时候,通过轻蔑的非语言暗示或针对某些人口群体的可怜的幽默,公开和有意地处理它。…
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引用次数: 90
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NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY
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