Dhanico Suwandy, Triesanto Romulo Simanjuntak, Roberto Octavianus Cornelis Seba
Taiwan and China are two countries that have a long history of ideology, government, and territory. The two countries have been at war since 1920 between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang until the ROC government finally moved to the island of Taiwan. Since then, cross-strait relations politically have not been good. On the other hand, trade between the two countries is very good, especially after the formation of the ECFA trade agreement in 2010 which made exports and imports easier. In trade expectations theory, this research analyzes the existence of a “peaceful trade” relationship between the two countries through trade and investment. China has trade dependence on Taiwan in integrated circuit commodities because Taiwan can produce good quality integrated circuits. Based on the principle of dependency, trade relations create “peaceful trade” conditions for cross-strait relations in unstable political conditions. Integrated circuits are also needed by many countries so that Taiwan can control 60% of trade in the global market. Taiwan also has dependence on China for FDI. The value of Taiwan’s FDI to China in 2021 is 46 times higher than integrated circuit exports to China in 2021. This research looks at cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China in ECFA cooperation regarding cross-border trade during the Tsai Ing-wen administration. The qualitative method used in this research took data from the Ministry of Finance of Taiwan. This research analyzes the trade relations between the two countries from exports, imports and FDI as the main findings so that the dependence of the economies of the two countries to date has created conditions for cross-strait relations.
{"title":"HUBUNGAN LINTAS SELAT TAIWAN DAN TIONGKOK TERKAIT KETERGANTUNGAN DAGANG PADA PEMERINTAHAN TSAI ING-WEN","authors":"Dhanico Suwandy, Triesanto Romulo Simanjuntak, Roberto Octavianus Cornelis Seba","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.66","url":null,"abstract":"Taiwan and China are two countries that have a long history of ideology, government, and territory. The two countries have been at war since 1920 between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang until the ROC government finally moved to the island of Taiwan. Since then, cross-strait relations politically have not been good. On the other hand, trade between the two countries is very good, especially after the formation of the ECFA trade agreement in 2010 which made exports and imports easier. In trade expectations theory, this research analyzes the existence of a “peaceful trade” relationship between the two countries through trade and investment. China has trade dependence on Taiwan in integrated circuit commodities because Taiwan can produce good quality integrated circuits. Based on the principle of dependency, trade relations create “peaceful trade” conditions for cross-strait relations in unstable political conditions. Integrated circuits are also needed by many countries so that Taiwan can control 60% of trade in the global market. Taiwan also has dependence on China for FDI. The value of Taiwan’s FDI to China in 2021 is 46 times higher than integrated circuit exports to China in 2021. This research looks at cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China in ECFA cooperation regarding cross-border trade during the Tsai Ing-wen administration. The qualitative method used in this research took data from the Ministry of Finance of Taiwan. This research analyzes the trade relations between the two countries from exports, imports and FDI as the main findings so that the dependence of the economies of the two countries to date has created conditions for cross-strait relations.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135740523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research is a descriptive research that aims to analyze the effectiveness of the role of the Islamic Cooperation Organization (OIC) in reducing economic inequality in Islamic countries, especially through the trade sector. The data collection method involves analysis of documents and online sources. Furthermore, this study uses qualitative data analysis with a secondary data approach. In this case the theory of international organizational effectiveness by Biermann and Bauer is used as a framework. This research reveals that the OIC has an effective role through institutions such as COMCEC and ICDT, with collaborative efforts and resource allocation through the IDB. Stakeholder involvement, institutional design, and concrete outputs such as the growth of intra-OIC trade and an increase in the GDP of member countries are evidence of the effectiveness of the OIC in reducing economic inequality through the trade sector. Despite facing challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic, OIC has succeeded in proving its commitment in efforts to reduce economic inequality in Islamic countries in order to achieve more inclusive economic prosperity.
{"title":"EFEKTIVITAS PERAN ORGANISASI KERJA SAMA ISLAM (OKI) DALAM MENURUNKAN KETIMPANGAN EKONOMI DI NEGARA-NEGARA ISLAM","authors":"None Fetra Ardianto","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.86","url":null,"abstract":"This research is a descriptive research that aims to analyze the effectiveness of the role of the Islamic Cooperation Organization (OIC) in reducing economic inequality in Islamic countries, especially through the trade sector. The data collection method involves analysis of documents and online sources. Furthermore, this study uses qualitative data analysis with a secondary data approach. In this case the theory of international organizational effectiveness by Biermann and Bauer is used as a framework. This research reveals that the OIC has an effective role through institutions such as COMCEC and ICDT, with collaborative efforts and resource allocation through the IDB. Stakeholder involvement, institutional design, and concrete outputs such as the growth of intra-OIC trade and an increase in the GDP of member countries are evidence of the effectiveness of the OIC in reducing economic inequality through the trade sector. Despite facing challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic, OIC has succeeded in proving its commitment in efforts to reduce economic inequality in Islamic countries in order to achieve more inclusive economic prosperity.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135740524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Terrorism has become a critical worldwide security concern in the aftermath of the 9/11 tragedy, provoking varying reactions from various states. This research focuses on the distinguishing features of China's counterterrorism policy. The study methodically unravels China's multifaceted perspective on terrorism through interpretative research supported by qualitative analysis. The glocalization lens sheds light on the dynamic interaction of China's local context within the larger global discourse. Within this context, terrorism within China's borders is recast as separatist, a notion intrinsically tied to China's entire understanding of the threat. China effectively turns global terrorist worries into a rationale for its region-focused counterterrorism efforts, which are localized in Xinjiang and Tibet. Furthermore, China's technique departs from Western paradigms by adding socioeconomic factors as crucial components, resulting in a complex and distinctively Chinese approach. In addition, China deliberately utilizes its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects to spread its counterterrorism narrative worldwide while simultaneously legitimizing its internal measures. The paper thoroughly explains China's counterterrorism policy through this analysis to highlight the roots of its unique interpretation, localized remedies, socioeconomic integration, and global outreach strategies.
{"title":"SECURING THE WORLD LOCALLY: UNVEILING CHINA'S COUNTERTERRORISM POLICY","authors":"Arif Wicaksa, Chairul Aftah","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.68","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorism has become a critical worldwide security concern in the aftermath of the 9/11 tragedy, provoking varying reactions from various states. This research focuses on the distinguishing features of China's counterterrorism policy. The study methodically unravels China's multifaceted perspective on terrorism through interpretative research supported by qualitative analysis. The glocalization lens sheds light on the dynamic interaction of China's local context within the larger global discourse. Within this context, terrorism within China's borders is recast as separatist, a notion intrinsically tied to China's entire understanding of the threat. China effectively turns global terrorist worries into a rationale for its region-focused counterterrorism efforts, which are localized in Xinjiang and Tibet. Furthermore, China's technique departs from Western paradigms by adding socioeconomic factors as crucial components, resulting in a complex and distinctively Chinese approach. In addition, China deliberately utilizes its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects to spread its counterterrorism narrative worldwide while simultaneously legitimizing its internal measures. The paper thoroughly explains China's counterterrorism policy through this analysis to highlight the roots of its unique interpretation, localized remedies, socioeconomic integration, and global outreach strategies.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135743924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Globalization of the Covid-19 pandemic has caused a very rapid contagion effect between regions around the world and has created a multidimensional crisis in European Union countries, so an interregionalism approach is needed. This study aims to analyze the typology of European Union interregionalism in response to the contagion of Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. By using analytical descriptive methods combined with Mathew Doidge’s theory of interregionalism, Heiner Hänggi’s typological concepts of interregionalism, and data analysis techniques using Miles and Huberman’s models, this study found that European Union adheres to three types of interregionalism, namely group-to-group interregionalism, biregional-transregional interregionalism, and hybrid interregionalism. Group-to-group interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and partnership cooperations between regions related to economic recovery and capacity building to strengthen the governance of Covid-19 pandemic with ASEAN, African Union, and Mercosur. Meanwhile, biregional-transregional interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and partnership cooperations between regions related to capacity building to strengthen the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic with ASEM countries. Finally, hybrid interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and bilateral partnership cooperations related to economic recovery and global health with the United States, China, Japan, Turkey, and Canada. European Union interregionalism in response to contagion effect of Covid-19 pandemic functions as a means of power balancing, collective identity formation, agenda setting, institution building, and rationalizing.
{"title":"TIPOLOGI INTERREGIONALISME UNI EROPA DALAM MERESPONS PENULARAN PANDEMI COVID-19 DI EROPA","authors":"Sirwan Yazid Bustami","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.67","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization of the Covid-19 pandemic has caused a very rapid contagion effect between regions around the world and has created a multidimensional crisis in European Union countries, so an interregionalism approach is needed. This study aims to analyze the typology of European Union interregionalism in response to the contagion of Covid-19 pandemic in Europe. By using analytical descriptive methods combined with Mathew Doidge’s theory of interregionalism, Heiner Hänggi’s typological concepts of interregionalism, and data analysis techniques using Miles and Huberman’s models, this study found that European Union adheres to three types of interregionalism, namely group-to-group interregionalism, biregional-transregional interregionalism, and hybrid interregionalism. Group-to-group interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and partnership cooperations between regions related to economic recovery and capacity building to strengthen the governance of Covid-19 pandemic with ASEAN, African Union, and Mercosur. Meanwhile, biregional-transregional interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and partnership cooperations between regions related to capacity building to strengthen the governance of the Covid-19 pandemic with ASEM countries. Finally, hybrid interregionalism is carried out by building dialogues and bilateral partnership cooperations related to economic recovery and global health with the United States, China, Japan, Turkey, and Canada. European Union interregionalism in response to contagion effect of Covid-19 pandemic functions as a means of power balancing, collective identity formation, agenda setting, institution building, and rationalizing.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135743923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.
{"title":"IMPLIKASI AUKUS TERHADAP HUBUNGAN EKONOMI AUSTRALIA DAN TIONGKOK TAHUN 2021-2022","authors":"None Fajar Oktavianto","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55","url":null,"abstract":"This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135744881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
None Shella Apriani, Christian Herman Johan De Fretes
This article aims to analyze the effectiveness of the European Union in overcoming the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic crisis, with a case study of the Integrated Political Crisis Response (IPCR) policy in place. This article uses a qualitative research method, namely literature study to answer the research question of this article. Arild Underdal's regime effectiveness approach was then used to analyze the effectiveness of the EU in responding to the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic through the IPCR policy, using three variables, namely dependent, independent, and regime effectiveness. This study explains that the EU's IPCR policy was not effective enough to overcome the COVID- 19 crisis in 2020 because it was faced with the national policies of member countries. Their policies posed challenges to the coordination and integration of the EU. The increase in the number of COVID-19 cases was also a new challenge in the mechanism offered by the IPCR because all member countries imposed regional restriction policies.
{"title":"EFEKTIVITAS IPCR UNI EROPA DALAM MENGATASI KRISIS PANDEMI COVID-19 TAHUN 2020","authors":"None Shella Apriani, Christian Herman Johan De Fretes","doi":"10.59408/bjgs.v1i1.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i1.58","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to analyze the effectiveness of the European Union in overcoming the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic crisis, with a case study of the Integrated Political Crisis Response (IPCR) policy in place. This article uses a qualitative research method, namely literature study to answer the research question of this article. Arild Underdal's regime effectiveness approach was then used to analyze the effectiveness of the EU in responding to the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic through the IPCR policy, using three variables, namely dependent, independent, and regime effectiveness. This study explains that the EU's IPCR policy was not effective enough to overcome the COVID- 19 crisis in 2020 because it was faced with the national policies of member countries. Their policies posed challenges to the coordination and integration of the EU. The increase in the number of COVID-19 cases was also a new challenge in the mechanism offered by the IPCR because all member countries imposed regional restriction policies.","PeriodicalId":486935,"journal":{"name":"BHUVANA Journal of Global Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134963422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：