Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.261
Rifet Rustemović
February 2023 marks the 90th anniversary of the death of Carl Heinrich Becker (1876–1933), a famous German orientalist, founder of modern Islamic studies in Germany and the Prussian Minister of Culture and Education (1921, 1925–1930). Since his appearance on the German and European intellectual scene at the beginning of the 20th century, C. H. Becker tried to focus his various interests not only on a historical and cultural research of medieval Islam but also on Muslim contemporary issues. Based on this, his analysis of the European colonial powers regarding their Islampolitik found its main motive in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s regulations on the legal position of the Bosnian Muslim’ religious and waqf-mearif institutions.
Although some Bosnian authors, such as Ahmed Smajlović, Smail Balić, Nerkez Smailagić, Salih H. Alić, Fehim Bajraktarević and others, referred to Becker's scientific work, his notions about Bosnian Muslims remained mostly disregarded in Bosnian historiography and Islamic studies.
Therefore, the aim of this article is to – using the literature, the press, Becker's numerous private correspondence, manuscripts and other archival sources – analyse Becker's observations about the Bosnian Muslims and their Islamic community through the practice of the Austro-Hungarian Islam policy. Thus, this paper analyses the method of his Islampolitik in the context of his antithesis of the sovereignty, state-control and non-interference in religion.
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 Although some Bosnian authors, such as Ahmed Smajlović, Smail Balić, Nerkez Smailagić, Salih H. Alić, Fehim Bajraktarević and others, referred to Becker's scientific work, his notions about Bosnian Muslims remained mostly disregarded in Bosnian historiography and Islamic studies.
 Therefore, the aim of this article is to – using the literature, the press, Becker's numerous private correspondence, manuscripts and other archival sources – analyse Becker's observations about the Bosnian Muslims and their Islamic community through the practice of the Austro-Hungarian Islam policy. Thus, this paper analyses the method of his Islampolitik in the context of his antithesis of the sovereignty, state-control and non-interference in religion.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"71 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135037003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.72
Hatice Oruç
There is no archival record connecting the zawiya founded by Gazi Isa Bey in Sarajevo (1462) to a dervish order (tariqat) till the end of the 18th century. Then, suddenly, with the appearance of Sheikh Osman Dede, Isa Bey’s zawiya began to be mentioned alongside the Mevlevi tariqat. This change took place when Sheikh Osman Dede, one of the dervishes of the Hacı Sinan Kadirî tekke in Sarajevo, became the sheikh of the Hacı Mahmud Mevlevi tekke and claimed that it was actually Isa Bey’s zawiya. At first, he convinced the authorities that the two lodges were one and the same, and even repaired the Mevlevi tekke with the income of the waqf of Isa Bey’s zawiya. He then further claimed that the waqf’s tawliyat (the right to manage the waqf) belonged to the sheikhs of the zawiya based on the waqf’ regulations, and took over the tawliyat of the waqf and appropriated the waqf’s property. Thus, a tawliyat lawsuit that would last for many years arose between the trustee of the zawiya foundation represented by Osman bin Mustafa residing in Skopje, from the lineage of İsa bey, and the new trustee of the foundation represented by Sheikh Osman Dede. The documents presented in this case reveal that certain aspects such as whether or not Isa Bey’s zawiya is really Mevlevi, which side has the right to the tawliyat of the zawiya’s waqf, and the conditions of endowment in the foundation charter (waqfiya) etc., have been questioned. Various types of documents found in the Ottoman Archive (Ottoman Archive of the Presidency of the Government - BOA) and in the Archives of the General Directorate of Waqfs in Ankara that shed light on the claims and events related to Isa Bey’s zawiya and its waqf starting from the time Sheikh Osman Dede became a Mevlevi sheikh, constituting the first part of this study, have already been published under the title “Several Documents About Isa Bey’s Tekke in Sarajevo (I)”. In this study, the documents from the Sarajevo court registers (sharia sijjils) held at Gazi Husrev’s Bey Library in Sarajevo, will be discussed. In a way, this study implements the documents already discussed in the earlier publication. These new documents that question the generally accepted claim that Isa Bey founded the zawiya as a Mevlevi and reveal the name of Haci Mahmud as the founder of the Mevlevi tekke are of extreme importance and may completely alter the history of the tariqats in Sarajevo all together. These documents are also of great importance not only for the research of the waqf institutions, but also for the research of legal history through the prism of the institution of the qadi and the functioning of the court.
直到18世纪末,Gazi Isa Bey在萨拉热窝(1462年)建立的zawiya与一个苦行僧组织(tariqat)之间没有任何档案记录。然后,突然,随着谢赫·奥斯曼·德德的出现,伊萨·贝伊的扎维亚开始和梅夫列维关税一起被提到。这一变化发生在谢赫·奥斯曼·德德(Sheikh Osman Dede),他是萨拉热窝hacysinan Kadirî tekke的一个托佛僧,成为hacymahmud Mevlevi tekke的谢赫,并声称这实际上是Isa Bey的zawiya。起初,他使当局相信这两个小屋是同一个小屋,甚至用伊萨·贝伊的扎维耶的waqf的收入修理了梅夫列维教堂。然后他进一步声称,根据waqf的规定,waqf的tawliyat(管理waqf的权利)属于zawiya的酋长,并接管了waqf的tawliyat并占用了waqf的财产。因此,以居住在斯科普里的İsa bey家族的Osman bin Mustafa为代表的zawiya基金会受托人与以Sheikh Osman Dede为代表的基金会新受托人之间发生了一场持续多年的法律诉讼。本案提交的文件显示,Isa Bey的zawiya是否真的是Mevlevi, zawiya的waqfiya的合法性由哪一方拥有,以及基金会章程(waqfiya)中的捐赠条件等方面都受到质疑。各种类型的文档中找到奥斯曼存档(奥斯曼归档总统的政府——美国银行)和档案总指挥部的圣地在安卡拉,阐明相关的索赔和事件Isa省长的扎维亚和圣地从时间谢赫·奥斯曼黛德成为Mevlevi酋长,构成本研究的第一部分,已经发表在标题“几个文件对Isa省长Tekke在萨拉热窝(我)”。在本研究中,将讨论存放在萨拉热窝Gazi Husrev的Bey图书馆的萨拉热窝法院登记册(sharia sijjils)的文件。在某种程度上,本研究实现了先前出版物中已经讨论过的文件。这些新文件质疑了普遍接受的说法,即Isa Bey作为Mevlevi人创立了zawiya,并揭示了Haci Mahmud是Mevlevi tekke的创始人,这些文件极其重要,可能完全改变萨拉热窝tariqats的历史。这些文件不仅对研究伊斯兰法庭制度,而且对通过伊斯兰法庭制度和法院运作的棱镜研究法律史也具有重要意义。
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Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.58
Aladin Husić
Through the prism of various sources of institutional character, lists of timar estates, news of individuals who were part of the administrative system or were close to it, and sources of narrative origin, the paper traces the movement of the number of timariots throughout the 17th century, growth and changes in the Timar system until its end. Within the framework of the above, an analysis of the value of timar estates defined by legal regulations is also carried out, in which the disruption in categorization, caused by the weakening of the timar system and the loss of the value of the zeamet, is much more noticeable. In a significant number of cases, zeamets retain their name only nominally, while their value falls below the legal minimum (20,000 akchas). Based on the stated values and obligations of the Sipahi, an estimate of the number of the Sipahi army is made, including the escort. After that, the distribution of timar estates according to regional and administrative areas of the Bosnian Eyalet, the burden of certain regions and participation in the financing of the Sipahi corps, and the material status of the Sipahi that drew from the timar system are analyzed. By comparing different data, it is concluded that there were no extreme changes, at least when it comes to the number and overall capacity of the Sipahi army in the 17th century. Contrary to the numerous conclusions that there was a significant increase in the timariots and the Sipahi themselves, there is a visible tendency of decline in those regions that remained entirely part of the Bosnian Eyalet after the Peace of Karlovac (1699). This tendency is followed through the Sanjaks of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Klis and Zvornik, where the number of timariots at the beginning of the 18thcentury was 173 less than at the beginning of the 17th century.
{"title":"On Sipahi Organization in the Eyalat of Bosnia During the 17th century","authors":"Aladin Husić","doi":"10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.58","url":null,"abstract":"Through the prism of various sources of institutional character, lists of timar estates, news of individuals who were part of the administrative system or were close to it, and sources of narrative origin, the paper traces the movement of the number of timariots throughout the 17th century, growth and changes in the Timar system until its end. Within the framework of the above, an analysis of the value of timar estates defined by legal regulations is also carried out, in which the disruption in categorization, caused by the weakening of the timar system and the loss of the value of the zeamet, is much more noticeable. In a significant number of cases, zeamets retain their name only nominally, while their value falls below the legal minimum (20,000 akchas). Based on the stated values and obligations of the Sipahi, an estimate of the number of the Sipahi army is made, including the escort. After that, the distribution of timar estates according to regional and administrative areas of the Bosnian Eyalet, the burden of certain regions and participation in the financing of the Sipahi corps, and the material status of the Sipahi that drew from the timar system are analyzed. By comparing different data, it is concluded that there were no extreme changes, at least when it comes to the number and overall capacity of the Sipahi army in the 17th century. Contrary to the numerous conclusions that there was a significant increase in the timariots and the Sipahi themselves, there is a visible tendency of decline in those regions that remained entirely part of the Bosnian Eyalet after the Peace of Karlovac (1699). This tendency is followed through the Sanjaks of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Klis and Zvornik, where the number of timariots at the beginning of the 18thcentury was 173 less than at the beginning of the 17th century.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"70 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135037006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.147
Ayla Efe
This article is about the expenses of “Sarajevo” Sanjak, which is the center of the Bosnian Province. These expenses are recorded in the Financial Expense Notebook (ML. MSF. d) at the Ottoman Archives. ML. MSF. d. is one of the rich records of the archive. These notebooks include the salaries of employees of administrative and military positions in the Ottoman finances and local expenditure items such as subsidy and constructions. Therefore, they are important data records in understanding the cost and financing of administrative units, institutional structures and activities. In the article, four expense books related to the Saray Sanjak dated Rumi 1277, 1278, 1279, 1280 (Gregorian 1861-65) are used. The article has two aims: One, to analyze the size of the financial/administrative organization in Sarajevo, and second, to determine “state capacity” in Sarajevo. In the article, firstly, the registration order of expense books is discussed. Then, the expenditure items in each of the notebooks are analyzed and data sets are obtained. It then focuses on the Sarajevo sanjak scenery that these datasets reveal. Subsequently, the visibility of the “state” in the Sarajevo sanjak is determined. In the conclusion of the article, the general characteristics of the provincial accounting system are determined on the axis of Tanzimat's claim of financial centralization and particularly Sarajevo Sanjak.
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Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.117
Alma Omanović-Veladžić
In this paper, the Gureba-defter from 1261/1845 which testifies to a custom that was practiced during the month of Ramadan will be presented. It is a list of financial contributions that were collected from wealthy families and benefactors in Sarajevo in the month of Ramadan in 1845 for the religioushumanitarian fund of the same name known as “Aid to foreigners and the vulnerable ones”. Its main goal was to provide financial compensation to ulama (learned people), softas (students of the madrasa), musafirs (intentional travelers) from our and other parts of the Islamic world for their engagement in the month of Ramadan, such as reciting muḳābele (public recitation of the Qur’an), offering tārāviḥ-namāz (terawiya), i’tikāf (permanent stay in the mosque during the last ten days of Ramadan for prayer), delivering appropriate lectures, as well as helping the poor.
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Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.234
Dželila Babović
An'ām is the name for manuscript codices that contain selected surahs from the Qur’an, prayers, blessings, pictures, graphics and seals that symbolically connect their owner or reader with the God Almighty, the Prophet Muhammad and holy places and important figures of Islamic history. These codices were long thought to be intended for private and socially restricted devotional use. However, the practice of enshrining them in public institutions, especially mosques and tekkes, as well as the existence of a large number of manuscript copies, shows that anʻām were very present and were used in wider social circles.
In this paper, we will present the Anʻ'ām of Abdullah ibn Salih from Gornji Vakuf, stored in the manuscript collection of the Oriental Institute of the University of Sarajevo (OIS, R 86). By compiling selected religious texts and combining them with illustrations, Abdullah ibn Salih created a work that offers an insight into pious practices in Bosnia at the end of the 18th century and documented how the prayer texts were read, used and integrated into everyday life. Using a phenomenological approach in the analysis of Abdullah ibn Salih’s An'ām, we will point out the importance and role of text, representative images and graphics in the sacred context, and deal with their ritual use and the discovery of the hidden meanings of their empirical manifestation.
An'ām是抄本的名称,它包含了从《古兰经》中精选的章节、祈祷、祝福、图片、图形和印章,象征着将它们的主人或读者与全能的真主、先知穆罕默德、圣地和伊斯兰历史上的重要人物联系起来。这些抄本长期以来被认为是为私人和社会限制的祈祷使用。然而,将它们供奉在公共机构,特别是清真寺和寺庙的做法,以及大量手稿副本的存在,表明阿拉伯阿拉伯语ām非常普遍,并在更广泛的社会圈子中使用。在本文中,我们将介绍Gornji Vakuf的Abdullah ibn Salih的An ' 'ām,存放在萨拉热窝大学东方研究所的手稿收藏中(OIS, R 86)。阿卜杜拉·伊本·萨利赫(Abdullah ibn Salih)通过汇编精选的宗教文本,并将其与插图相结合,创作了这部作品,让人们深入了解18世纪末波斯尼亚的虔诚习俗,并记录了祈祷文本是如何被阅读、使用和融入日常生活的。在分析阿卜杜拉·伊本·萨利赫的《ām》时,我们将使用现象学的方法指出文本、代表性图像和图形在神圣语境中的重要性和作用,并处理它们的仪式使用和发现它们的经验表现的隐藏意义。
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 In this paper, we will present the Anʻ'ām of Abdullah ibn Salih from Gornji Vakuf, stored in the manuscript collection of the Oriental Institute of the University of Sarajevo (OIS, R 86). By compiling selected religious texts and combining them with illustrations, Abdullah ibn Salih created a work that offers an insight into pious practices in Bosnia at the end of the 18th century and documented how the prayer texts were read, used and integrated into everyday life. Using a phenomenological approach in the analysis of Abdullah ibn Salih’s An'ām, we will point out the importance and role of text, representative images and graphics in the sacred context, and deal with their ritual use and the discovery of the hidden meanings of their empirical manifestation.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"69 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135036877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.7
Amra Mulović, Velida Mataradžija
Before the famous commentaries on the classical works of Persian literature, Ahmed Sudi Bosnevi wrote in Ottoman Turkish language commentaries on al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya, the works on Arabic syntax and morphology written by the famous Arab grammarian, Ibn Ḥāğib. The main purpose of this research is to explore and analyse different aspects of Sudiʼs commentaries on al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya, to give an insight into these hitherto unstudied manuscripts and to present Sudiʼs specific way of commenting by translation and description of passages from the original texts of the commentaries. In addition to this, the paper presents the educational and scientific path of Ahmed Sudi Bosnevi and his role as a muderis who tried to improve the teaching process by writing commentaries on the textbooks that were part of the Curriculum in Ottoman madrasas. Likewise, this paper investigates the significance of the original texts of al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya in the Arabic grammatical tradition.
{"title":"Ahmed Sudi Bosneviʼs Commentaries on Ibn Ḥāğibʼs Grammatical Works al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya","authors":"Amra Mulović, Velida Mataradžija","doi":"10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.7","url":null,"abstract":"Before the famous commentaries on the classical works of Persian literature, Ahmed Sudi Bosnevi wrote in Ottoman Turkish language commentaries on al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya, the works on Arabic syntax and morphology written by the famous Arab grammarian, Ibn Ḥāğib. The main purpose of this research is to explore and analyse different aspects of Sudiʼs commentaries on al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya, to give an insight into these hitherto unstudied manuscripts and to present Sudiʼs specific way of commenting by translation and description of passages from the original texts of the commentaries. In addition to this, the paper presents the educational and scientific path of Ahmed Sudi Bosnevi and his role as a muderis who tried to improve the teaching process by writing commentaries on the textbooks that were part of the Curriculum in Ottoman madrasas. Likewise, this paper investigates the significance of the original texts of al-Kāfiya and al-Šāfiya in the Arabic grammatical tradition.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"74 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135037231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.34
Berin Bajrić
The Arabic qasida represented the canonical form in Arabic literature until modern times, and its influence is still felt today. The power of poetry is also evident in its presence in the prose works of classical Arabic literature. This is confirmed by many works that abound with verses by various Arab poets as well as verses by authors who were not poets. There is almost no area of adab, as literature in the broader sense of the term, without poetry finding its place in it - we find it in imaginative literature, risalas, historical chronicles, philosophical works, and even in fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence characterized by its seriousness and precision. In the following paper, we will analyze the use of Arabic poetry in the work Muḥāḍara al-ʼawāʼil wa musāmara al-ʼawāḫir by Ali-dede Bosniak, which treats the first and last events and deals with a large number of topics from different fields. Since this work is polythematic, we will see that the verses undoubtedly form a very important and effective segment of its structure.
阿拉伯语的卡西达代表了阿拉伯文学的规范形式,直到现代,它的影响至今仍然存在。诗歌的力量在古典阿拉伯文学的散文作品中也很明显。这一点在许多作品中得到了证实,这些作品中充斥着各种阿拉伯诗人的诗句以及非诗人作者的诗句。几乎没有一个领域的adab,作为广义上的文学,没有诗歌在其中找到它的位置——我们在想象文学、诗歌、历史编年史、哲学著作中发现它,甚至在fiqh中,伊斯兰法学以其严肃性和精确性为特征。在下面的文章中,我们将分析Ali-dede Bosniak的作品Muḥāḍara al- ' awā ' il wa musāmara al- ' awāḫir中对阿拉伯语诗歌的使用,该作品处理了最初和最后的事件,并涉及了来自不同领域的大量主题。由于这部作品是多主题的,我们将看到,诗句无疑构成了其结构中非常重要和有效的部分。
{"title":"Arabic Poetry in the Work Muḥāḍara al-’awā’il wa musāmara al-’awāḫir by Ali-dede Bosniak","authors":"Berin Bajrić","doi":"10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.34","url":null,"abstract":"The Arabic qasida represented the canonical form in Arabic literature until modern times, and its influence is still felt today. The power of poetry is also evident in its presence in the prose works of classical Arabic literature. This is confirmed by many works that abound with verses by various Arab poets as well as verses by authors who were not poets. There is almost no area of adab, as literature in the broader sense of the term, without poetry finding its place in it - we find it in imaginative literature, risalas, historical chronicles, philosophical works, and even in fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence characterized by its seriousness and precision. In the following paper, we will analyze the use of Arabic poetry in the work Muḥāḍara al-ʼawāʼil wa musāmara al-ʼawāḫir by Ali-dede Bosniak, which treats the first and last events and deals with a large number of topics from different fields. Since this work is polythematic, we will see that the verses undoubtedly form a very important and effective segment of its structure.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"68 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135036738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.207
Madžida Mašić
This paper presents the manuscript collection of the Elči Ibrahim Pasha’s madrasa in Travnik. This collection contains 105 manuscript codices written in Arabic, Turkish and Persian. In the 1940s, the manuscript collection of this madrasa was transferred to the Gazi Husrev Bey library in Sarajevo, as part of a project that included the storage of manuscripts from all madrasas in Bosnia and Herzegovina in a suitable place. Nevertheless, even after that year, manuscripts continue to arrive in this library, so today it contains a solid manuscript collection. Although it was digitized in 2012 in the manuscript digitization project of the Bosnian manuscript collections by the Yunus Emre Institute, the catalogue of this manuscript collection has never been presented.
{"title":"Cultural Heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina II: Manuscripts of the Elči Ibrahim Pasha’s Madrasa in Travnik","authors":"Madžida Mašić","doi":"10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.207","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the manuscript collection of the Elči Ibrahim Pasha’s madrasa in Travnik. This collection contains 105 manuscript codices written in Arabic, Turkish and Persian. In the 1940s, the manuscript collection of this madrasa was transferred to the Gazi Husrev Bey library in Sarajevo, as part of a project that included the storage of manuscripts from all madrasas in Bosnia and Herzegovina in a suitable place. Nevertheless, even after that year, manuscripts continue to arrive in this library, so today it contains a solid manuscript collection. Although it was digitized in 2012 in the manuscript digitization project of the Bosnian manuscript collections by the Yunus Emre Institute, the catalogue of this manuscript collection has never been presented.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"69 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135036882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-12DOI: 10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.301
Ayşe Ayaz
In Turkish poetic and prose works written during the 14th and 15th centuries, the blue eye color was synonymous with danger, hatred, repulsion and wickedness, both in this world and in the afterlife. According to some stories and texts, blue eyes, which the Turks accepted as sacred, chosen, and superior in pre-Islamic times, became associated with liars, sinners, terrifying, wicked, and ruthless people and beings in Turkish poetic and prose works written in and outside of Anatolia during the 14th and 15th centuries. This article traces the use of blue eyes in 14th and 15th century Divan poetry. First, the works that depict blueeyed wicked, terrifying, ruthless, ugly, and deceitful characters and beings are identified. Later, the reason behind this notable negative attitude towards blue eyes is explored and revealed by examining its origins.
{"title":"The Sin, Evil, Ugliness and Horror of Blue: Blue Eyes in 14th-15th Century Divan Poetry","authors":"Ayşe Ayaz","doi":"10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2022.72.301","url":null,"abstract":"In Turkish poetic and prose works written during the 14th and 15th centuries, the blue eye color was synonymous with danger, hatred, repulsion and wickedness, both in this world and in the afterlife. According to some stories and texts, blue eyes, which the Turks accepted as sacred, chosen, and superior in pre-Islamic times, became associated with liars, sinners, terrifying, wicked, and ruthless people and beings in Turkish poetic and prose works written in and outside of Anatolia during the 14th and 15th centuries. This article traces the use of blue eyes in 14th and 15th century Divan poetry. First, the works that depict blueeyed wicked, terrifying, ruthless, ugly, and deceitful characters and beings are identified. Later, the reason behind this notable negative attitude towards blue eyes is explored and revealed by examining its origins.","PeriodicalId":490044,"journal":{"name":"Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju","volume":"68 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135036740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}