The Palace of Justice opened in 1896 is among the country’s most important public buildings; its central hall is one of the most grandiose spaces of late historicism in size and decoration. A year after its inauguration Alajos Hauszmann, the architect, summed up the construction history and programme of the building, and the work appeared in ornate folio edition in 1901. the architect designed the central hall in the style of Rome’s baroque architecture reviving the spirit of antiquity, and also drew on the tradition of the space type of salles des pas perdus. As regards space forms and structures, its relatives are the halls of the palaces of justice in paris, Antwerp and Strasbourg. The placing of the Justitia statue dominating the space was probably inspired by the central hall of Vienna’s Justizpalast and is permeated with the memory of antique temple interiors abounding in giant cultic statues. With its hieratic character, Stróbl’s statue reminds us of classical Rome’s enthroned Minerva and Dea Roma statues, the modelling of the dress and mantle imitating the Hellenistic and Roman baroque drapery styles. The 19th century reconstructions of the rich mosaic and sculptural decorations of the spaces, walls and vaults of the Roman baths must have fertilized Hauszmann’s imagination and inspired him to envision the colouring and gilding of the surfaces and painted decoration of the ceiling, although the latter was also influenced by Roman baroque fresco painting. Károly Lotz designed the illusory architecture of the ceiling painting after Andrea del Pozzo by taking care to align the painted architectonic details with the framing mouldings and ornaments. A cardinal element of the architectural program was the deliberately monumental effect and “homogeneity” of which – in Hauszmann’s view – fine arts were the “precondition and the instruments”. He himself chose the painter and sculptor for the decoration of the hall, because he deemed it important to give them “direction” and “enlightenment” through his personal influence to achieve a “homogeneously harmonious creation”. As a result, both the sculptor’s and the painter’s adaptation to Roman models and to the grandiosity of the formal idiom and dimensions of the hall can be perceived.
1896年开放的司法宫是英国最重要的公共建筑之一;它的中央大厅在规模和装饰上都是晚期历史主义最宏伟的空间之一。在它落成一年后，建筑师Alajos Hauszmann总结了这座建筑的建造历史和用途，并于1901年以华丽的对开本出版了这部作品。建筑师以罗马巴洛克式建筑的风格设计了中央大厅，复兴了古代的精神，并借鉴了salles des pas perdus空间类型的传统。在空间形式和结构方面，它的亲戚是巴黎，安特卫普和斯特拉斯堡的正义宫的大厅。朱斯蒂亚雕像占据空间的位置可能是受到维也纳Justizpalast中央大厅的启发，并充满了对充满巨大崇拜雕像的古代寺庙内部的记忆。Stróbl的雕像具有等级的特征，让我们想起了古典罗马的密涅瓦和狄亚罗马雕像，衣服和斗篷的造型模仿了希腊化和罗马巴洛克式的帷幔风格。19世纪对罗马浴场空间、墙壁和穹顶丰富的马赛克和雕塑装饰的重建一定丰富了豪斯曼的想象力，并激发了他对表面的着色和镀金以及天花板的彩绘装饰的设想，尽管后者也受到了罗马巴洛克壁画的影响。Károly Lotz以安德里亚·德尔·波佐(Andrea del Pozzo)的名字设计了天花板绘画的虚幻建筑，他小心地将绘画的建筑细节与框架造型和装饰品对齐。建筑方案的一个主要元素是故意的纪念性效果和“同质性”，在Hauszmann看来，美术是“前提和工具”。他自己选择了画家和雕塑家来装饰大厅，因为他认为通过他个人的影响给他们“方向”和“启蒙”，以达到“同质和谐的创作”是很重要的。因此，雕塑家和画家对罗马模型的适应，以及对正式习语和大厅尺寸的宏伟，都可以感受到。
{"title":"Emlékszerűség és egyöntetűség. Hauszmann, Stróbl, Lotz és a budapesti Igazságügyi palota központi csarnoka","authors":"János Jernyei Kiss","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00016","url":null,"abstract":"The Palace of Justice opened in 1896 is among the country’s most important public buildings; its central hall is one of the most grandiose spaces of late historicism in size and decoration. A year after its inauguration Alajos Hauszmann, the architect, summed up the construction history and programme of the building, and the work appeared in ornate folio edition in 1901. the architect designed the central hall in the style of Rome’s baroque architecture reviving the spirit of antiquity, and also drew on the tradition of the space type of salles des pas perdus. As regards space forms and structures, its relatives are the halls of the palaces of justice in paris, Antwerp and Strasbourg. The placing of the Justitia statue dominating the space was probably inspired by the central hall of Vienna’s Justizpalast and is permeated with the memory of antique temple interiors abounding in giant cultic statues. With its hieratic character, Stróbl’s statue reminds us of classical Rome’s enthroned Minerva and Dea Roma statues, the modelling of the dress and mantle imitating the Hellenistic and Roman baroque drapery styles. The 19th century reconstructions of the rich mosaic and sculptural decorations of the spaces, walls and vaults of the Roman baths must have fertilized Hauszmann’s imagination and inspired him to envision the colouring and gilding of the surfaces and painted decoration of the ceiling, although the latter was also influenced by Roman baroque fresco painting. Károly Lotz designed the illusory architecture of the ceiling painting after Andrea del Pozzo by taking care to align the painted architectonic details with the framing mouldings and ornaments. A cardinal element of the architectural program was the deliberately monumental effect and “homogeneity” of which – in Hauszmann’s view – fine arts were the “precondition and the instruments”. He himself chose the painter and sculptor for the decoration of the hall, because he deemed it important to give them “direction” and “enlightenment” through his personal influence to achieve a “homogeneously harmonious creation”. As a result, both the sculptor’s and the painter’s adaptation to Roman models and to the grandiosity of the formal idiom and dimensions of the hall can be perceived.","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135011390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Hungarian Jesuit Gábor (Gabriel) Hevenesi’s emblem book Succus prudentiae (The Seed of Wisdom) was published in 1690 in Vienna and then in 1701 in Nagyszombat (Trnava, Slovakia), containing fifty emblems. He compiled a collection of Christian wisdom and virtues with the help of quotations and paraphrases from the Stoic philosopher Seneca. In this article, I present two instances of applied emblematic reception of the emblems of Hevenesi’s Succus prudentiae in Transylvanian buildings. The first example is the painted decoration of a room in the castle of Nagyvárad (Oradea, Romania). The program survived only in fragments, yet, three emblems could still be identified. The use of a Jesuit emblem book points towards the conception of the decorative program during the Habsburg occupation of the castle during the first half of the eighteenth century. The second example is the former wall and furniture decoration of the Daniel manor house in Szasznagyvesszős (Michelsdorf/Veseuș, Romania). The inner decoration of this building was destroyed before the twentieth century, but it was preserved by the detailed description of the writer József Ponori Thewrewk from 1817. Based on his account, the walls and several pieces of furniture (including a folding screen and a cabinet) were decorated with Hevenesi’s emblems. This program was most possibly ordered by István Daniel the elder, a state official during the Habsburg rule in Transylvania. As an appendix, I draw attention to a surviving cabinet with emblematic paintings based on Jesuit Herman Hugo’s Pia desideria , now in the collection of the Sárospatak Catholic Museum.
{"title":"Succus Prudentiae: Hevenesi Gábor neosztoikus emblémáinak festészeti recepciója","authors":"Ágnes Kusler","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00014","url":null,"abstract":"The Hungarian Jesuit Gábor (Gabriel) Hevenesi’s emblem book Succus prudentiae (The Seed of Wisdom) was published in 1690 in Vienna and then in 1701 in Nagyszombat (Trnava, Slovakia), containing fifty emblems. He compiled a collection of Christian wisdom and virtues with the help of quotations and paraphrases from the Stoic philosopher Seneca. In this article, I present two instances of applied emblematic reception of the emblems of Hevenesi’s Succus prudentiae in Transylvanian buildings. The first example is the painted decoration of a room in the castle of Nagyvárad (Oradea, Romania). The program survived only in fragments, yet, three emblems could still be identified. The use of a Jesuit emblem book points towards the conception of the decorative program during the Habsburg occupation of the castle during the first half of the eighteenth century. The second example is the former wall and furniture decoration of the Daniel manor house in Szasznagyvesszős (Michelsdorf/Veseuș, Romania). The inner decoration of this building was destroyed before the twentieth century, but it was preserved by the detailed description of the writer József Ponori Thewrewk from 1817. Based on his account, the walls and several pieces of furniture (including a folding screen and a cabinet) were decorated with Hevenesi’s emblems. This program was most possibly ordered by István Daniel the elder, a state official during the Habsburg rule in Transylvania. As an appendix, I draw attention to a surviving cabinet with emblematic paintings based on Jesuit Herman Hugo’s Pia desideria , now in the collection of the Sárospatak Catholic Museum.","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135107104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
More than twenty years ago, in the “millennial year” (1 January 2000–20 August 2001), a representative work of scholarship was released in honour of the millennial anniversary of the foundation of the state (budapest, boda Antikvárium, 2001) about the representations of the first king of Hungary, Saint Stephen, in the medium of graphic prints. The publication was reviewed by noted scholars and has been referred continuously in special literature ever since. It is common knowledge that the “image” of king Saint Stephen has been closely tied to Hungarian history, as a decisive personage at its turning points. After the publication of the book I have therefore kept tabs on and collected the data that enlarge, supplement and at a few times rectify its contents. for easier orientation, both the complementary material, the additions, and new representations are adjusted to the item numbers in the iconographic catalogue attached to the volume. From among the addenda, one picture is a complementation to item 71, because in 2001 no copy of its first publication (1692) could be had. Among the sixteen addenda (27, 37, 46, 49, 62, 70, 79, 95, 96, 104, 108, 126, 153, 188, 191, 219) item 46 also received a new picture which arose as the “b” variant of the copperplate engraving (first published in 1626) in a so-far unknown, unique function in 1632. Another six items of the addenda also contain corrections (69, 76, 94, 100, 139, 139, 208), of which two (76, 100) name the original publication (1609 and 1612, resp.) of the two prints in the Hungarian Historical portrait Gallery removed from their original function. Six items of the corrigenda (5, 61, 75, 179, 187) make the description more accurate, with a picture added to one (187), restoring a cut-out copy kept in the Hungarian Historical picture Gallery now to its original function. In the past two decades, the material of the volume has been enlarged by twenty five unpublished depictions, i.e. nearly by 10%. These pictures and descriptions collected on the basis of autopsy affect the period between 1493 and 1852, adjusted to the earlier chronology of the data. Their item number received the number of the preceding bibliographic description with the addition of an ‘a’ or two (5a, 35a, 55a, 70a, 79a, 81a, 90a, 90aa, 97a, 105a, 116a, 128a, 155a, 155aa, 187a, 188a, 192s, 193a, 215a, 216a, 216aa, 228a, 238a, 251a, 254a). The new representations are always attached pictures, and their description adopted the structure of the data in the 2001 volume. Order of new information after the number of the item: Title or iconographic type of the representation Title of the print without the religious texts. Latter only given when there is no title. Form of appearance Date of making Technique of production Place of making, signature Size by the producing technique and by the state of the sheet Bibliographic description of the source containing the representation, with the accurate place of the print in the work at issue Place
{"title":"„Gyönyörű volt szál alakja”. Szent István király ikonográfiája a sokszorosított grafikában a 15. századtól a 19. század közepéig - Pótlások (új ábrázolások, adalékok és javítások)","authors":"Éva Knapp","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00018","url":null,"abstract":"More than twenty years ago, in the “millennial year” (1 January 2000–20 August 2001), a representative work of scholarship was released in honour of the millennial anniversary of the foundation of the state (budapest, boda Antikvárium, 2001) about the representations of the first king of Hungary, Saint Stephen, in the medium of graphic prints. The publication was reviewed by noted scholars and has been referred continuously in special literature ever since. It is common knowledge that the “image” of king Saint Stephen has been closely tied to Hungarian history, as a decisive personage at its turning points. After the publication of the book I have therefore kept tabs on and collected the data that enlarge, supplement and at a few times rectify its contents. for easier orientation, both the complementary material, the additions, and new representations are adjusted to the item numbers in the iconographic catalogue attached to the volume. From among the addenda, one picture is a complementation to item 71, because in 2001 no copy of its first publication (1692) could be had. Among the sixteen addenda (27, 37, 46, 49, 62, 70, 79, 95, 96, 104, 108, 126, 153, 188, 191, 219) item 46 also received a new picture which arose as the “b” variant of the copperplate engraving (first published in 1626) in a so-far unknown, unique function in 1632. Another six items of the addenda also contain corrections (69, 76, 94, 100, 139, 139, 208), of which two (76, 100) name the original publication (1609 and 1612, resp.) of the two prints in the Hungarian Historical portrait Gallery removed from their original function. Six items of the corrigenda (5, 61, 75, 179, 187) make the description more accurate, with a picture added to one (187), restoring a cut-out copy kept in the Hungarian Historical picture Gallery now to its original function. In the past two decades, the material of the volume has been enlarged by twenty five unpublished depictions, i.e. nearly by 10%. These pictures and descriptions collected on the basis of autopsy affect the period between 1493 and 1852, adjusted to the earlier chronology of the data. Their item number received the number of the preceding bibliographic description with the addition of an ‘a’ or two (5a, 35a, 55a, 70a, 79a, 81a, 90a, 90aa, 97a, 105a, 116a, 128a, 155a, 155aa, 187a, 188a, 192s, 193a, 215a, 216a, 216aa, 228a, 238a, 251a, 254a). The new representations are always attached pictures, and their description adopted the structure of the data in the 2001 volume. Order of new information after the number of the item: Title or iconographic type of the representation Title of the print without the religious texts. Latter only given when there is no title. Form of appearance Date of making Technique of production Place of making, signature Size by the producing technique and by the state of the sheet Bibliographic description of the source containing the representation, with the accurate place of the print in the work at issue Place","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bent Holm – Mikael Bogh Rasmussen (eds.): Imagined, Embodied and Actual Turks in Early Modern Europe. (Ottomania, 10.)","authors":"Borbála Gulyás","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"348 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Media news made the name of Wenzel Pohl known in Hungary in the early 2000s, for the two large history paintings (The Battle of Mohács, Saint Stephen converting the Hungarians to the christian faith), which had cropped up in the art trade and which were purchased by the Hungarian state and deposited in the Hungarian embassy in Vienna, were attributed to him. Although more recent research has proposed that the painter of the cycle once consisting of six pieces was most probably August Rumel and not Pohl, it is worth knowing of Pohl’s artistic activity irrespective of the Hungarian relevance, too, because his person is gradually fading out of art historiography – for example, his name is missing from the 96th volume of the Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon published in 2017. The best-known Pohl portraits are the ones he painted of the noted Jesuit astronomer, mathematician and physicist Miksa Hell. A full-figure portrait shows the scientist in traditional Sami costume during his research trip to the North, and we know of a portrait showing Hell is a monk’s frock. His engraved copies of paintings in the Viennese imperial collection, real forerunners to the representative 19th century album of prints presenting the collection, probably belong to a series. In the cycle of paintings about the coronation of Joseph II as Holy Roman Emperor (Frankfurt, 1765) he was assigned the painting of architectural details, which is confirmed by the fact that he was sent on a study trip to Frankfurt to make drawn sketches of the venues of the event. After the representative painting of Martin van Meytens he made a small-scale version of the group portrait of Maria Theresa and her family. His chef d’oeuvre is the representative painting series showing the events of the coronation of Maria Theresa in Pozsony in 1741 painted for the Hungarian court chancellery in Vienna. He painted it with Franz Messmer in the second half of the 1760s. In contrast, the three portraits of monarchs in Riesensaal in Innsbruck so far attributed to him by researchers were actually painted by Jakob Kohl. The other part of the paper contributes a few new viewpoints to the examination of the painting about the battle of Mohács earlier attributed to Pohl. In addition to contemporaneous woodcuts of the tragic battle of 1526 in news-letters and pamphlets in German, to 16th century Turkish miniatures, and diverse 16–18th century European manuscript and book illustrations, a ceiling fresco in Garamszentbenedek and several large paintings – including Rumel’s work – also conjured up the battle in the 18th century. Since in the nation’s historical consciousness and cultural memory the battle of Mohács did not acquire its symbolic, mythic position represented to this day before the 19th century, the two works of art were way ahead of their time in anticipating the salient position of the tragic event, because, unlike, for example, István dorffmaister’s late 18th century pictures ordered in Mohács, they s
{"title":"Magyar történelmi témák 18. századi bécsi festői: adatok Wenzel Pohl munkásságához és az August Rumelnek tulajdonított mohácsi csata-képhez","authors":"Júlia Papp","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00015","url":null,"abstract":"Media news made the name of Wenzel Pohl known in Hungary in the early 2000s, for the two large history paintings (The Battle of Mohács, Saint Stephen converting the Hungarians to the christian faith), which had cropped up in the art trade and which were purchased by the Hungarian state and deposited in the Hungarian embassy in Vienna, were attributed to him. Although more recent research has proposed that the painter of the cycle once consisting of six pieces was most probably August Rumel and not Pohl, it is worth knowing of Pohl’s artistic activity irrespective of the Hungarian relevance, too, because his person is gradually fading out of art historiography – for example, his name is missing from the 96th volume of the Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon published in 2017. The best-known Pohl portraits are the ones he painted of the noted Jesuit astronomer, mathematician and physicist Miksa Hell. A full-figure portrait shows the scientist in traditional Sami costume during his research trip to the North, and we know of a portrait showing Hell is a monk’s frock. His engraved copies of paintings in the Viennese imperial collection, real forerunners to the representative 19th century album of prints presenting the collection, probably belong to a series. In the cycle of paintings about the coronation of Joseph II as Holy Roman Emperor (Frankfurt, 1765) he was assigned the painting of architectural details, which is confirmed by the fact that he was sent on a study trip to Frankfurt to make drawn sketches of the venues of the event. After the representative painting of Martin van Meytens he made a small-scale version of the group portrait of Maria Theresa and her family. His chef d’oeuvre is the representative painting series showing the events of the coronation of Maria Theresa in Pozsony in 1741 painted for the Hungarian court chancellery in Vienna. He painted it with Franz Messmer in the second half of the 1760s. In contrast, the three portraits of monarchs in Riesensaal in Innsbruck so far attributed to him by researchers were actually painted by Jakob Kohl. The other part of the paper contributes a few new viewpoints to the examination of the painting about the battle of Mohács earlier attributed to Pohl. In addition to contemporaneous woodcuts of the tragic battle of 1526 in news-letters and pamphlets in German, to 16th century Turkish miniatures, and diverse 16–18th century European manuscript and book illustrations, a ceiling fresco in Garamszentbenedek and several large paintings – including Rumel’s work – also conjured up the battle in the 18th century. Since in the nation’s historical consciousness and cultural memory the battle of Mohács did not acquire its symbolic, mythic position represented to this day before the 19th century, the two works of art were way ahead of their time in anticipating the salient position of the tragic event, because, unlike, for example, István dorffmaister’s late 18th century pictures ordered in Mohács, they s","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Takács Imre: Az esztergomi Porta speciosa","authors":"János Végh","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Új kutatások Esztergom megyei jogú város építészeti értékeiről a római kortól napjainkig. Tanulmánykötet. (Szerk. Prokopp Mária)","authors":"Konstantin Vukov","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00022","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135063359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Albrecht Dürer’s name first appeared in Jacob Wimpfeling’s book on German history, printed in 1505, in which the Alsatian author praised the then famous artist. In his book on the work of Martin Schongauer, printed in Nuremberg in 1515, the humanist Christoph Scheurl mentioned that Dürer’s father was born in Cula , near the town of Várad in Hungary. He was therefore the first, albeit with an incorrect town name, to make this biographical information public. Joachim Camerarius also mentioned in the preface to his book on the artist’s symmetry, published posthumously in 1532, that Dürer’s paternal lineage was from Pannonia. The only surviving manuscript is the calligrapher Johann Neudorfer’s biography of Dürer, in which the artist’s father’s biography is in agreement with his family records. This knowledge also reached the Hungarian humanist János zsámboky (Sambucus), who compiled a Latin and Greek epigram in praise of Dürer, mentioning the Pannonian origins of the artist’s ancestors. This information was published in Adam Melchior’s book on the life of German scholars, published in 1615, in the section about Dürer. The artist’s own notes were published by Joachim von Sandrart in 1675. From then on, this publication became the basis for biographies of Dürer. The present essay will now look at the reception of these family records in Hungary, with its pitfalls, especially the village of Ajtós and the Dürer name, as well as the related open-door coat of arms and the portrait of the artist’s father.
{"title":"Dürer nyitott ajtós címere és a korai híradások apai őseiről","authors":"Géza Szentmártoni Szabó","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00017","url":null,"abstract":"Albrecht Dürer’s name first appeared in Jacob Wimpfeling’s book on German history, printed in 1505, in which the Alsatian author praised the then famous artist. In his book on the work of Martin Schongauer, printed in Nuremberg in 1515, the humanist Christoph Scheurl mentioned that Dürer’s father was born in Cula , near the town of Várad in Hungary. He was therefore the first, albeit with an incorrect town name, to make this biographical information public. Joachim Camerarius also mentioned in the preface to his book on the artist’s symmetry, published posthumously in 1532, that Dürer’s paternal lineage was from Pannonia. The only surviving manuscript is the calligrapher Johann Neudorfer’s biography of Dürer, in which the artist’s father’s biography is in agreement with his family records. This knowledge also reached the Hungarian humanist János zsámboky (Sambucus), who compiled a Latin and Greek epigram in praise of Dürer, mentioning the Pannonian origins of the artist’s ancestors. This information was published in Adam Melchior’s book on the life of German scholars, published in 1615, in the section about Dürer. The artist’s own notes were published by Joachim von Sandrart in 1675. From then on, this publication became the basis for biographies of Dürer. The present essay will now look at the reception of these family records in Hungary, with its pitfalls, especially the village of Ajtós and the Dürer name, as well as the related open-door coat of arms and the portrait of the artist’s father.","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135106839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The news of the peace of Westphalia in the autumn of 1648 certainly elicited great sighs of relief all over Europe, though contentedness was not yet universal. In countries over which the menace of the expansion and further advance of the Ottoman Empire loomed larger, the news generated a period of great hopes. This applied first of all to Hungary and Croatia where an optimistic public feeling began to spread wide. The main sources of this optimism were the influential politicians and their statements, who were both mouthpieces and shapers of the general attitude. Who were convinced that after 30 years of warfare a period of regeneration ought to come, and sooner or later – not in the distant future – what they had been painfully missing for decades, exactly since the reign of Emperor rudolph (†1612, rudolph I as king of Hungary): a major concerted anti-Ottoman military undertaking would be launched, a comprehensive campaign with the participation and support by Europe’s Christian countries initiated and controlled by the ruler of the Holy roman Empire and also king of Hungary ferdinand III. As the contemporary utterance of the politicizing Hungarian estates reveal, this optimistic expectation was paired with a zealous manifestation of a readiness to act. They voiced their great resolve with which the eligible population would take part and fight as effectively as their reserves allowed against the porte. This uncompromising intrepidity, the fight against the Ottomans at any price was fed – in addition to many glorious examples in the past – by several contemporary events. Clashes with great casualties which made great stirs in the Hungarian and European public life. Contemporaries hailed the fallen, including those of the ill-starred military encounter at vezekény on 26 August 1652, as inflaming examples of perseverance. In the eye of the contemporaries those killed in the clash – including four members of the aristocratic Esterházy family – set an inspiring example of moral courage in the teeth of Turkish superiority in numbers: in a hopeless battle they chose perseverance to the end, that is, heroic self-sacrifice, instead of surrendering. In addition to numerous quondam utterances including some quality works of literature testifying to the intrepidity and fighting value of the Hungarian estates, two works of the applied arts were also created with the aim of perpetuating the glorious memory of the fallen heroes. The historic military events of the last one and a half decades in the 17th century – the triumphant termination of the Ottoman wars in Hungary, the expulsion of the Turks – overruled the original meaning of the time-honoured adage known all over Europe, the idea that Hungary was one of the safeguards/bulwarks of the western Christian community. Although it might have lost its topicality, it did not fall out of public remembrance. It underwent some modification, some shift of tone, the militant slogan of mobilization giving way to re
1648年秋天，威斯特伐利亚和约的消息无疑让整个欧洲都松了一口气，尽管当时还没有普遍感到满意。在那些受到奥斯曼帝国扩张和进一步扩张威胁的国家，这一消息引发了一段时间的巨大希望。这种情况首先出现在匈牙利和克罗地亚，那里乐观的公众情绪开始广泛传播。这种乐观情绪的主要来源是有影响力的政治家和他们的言论，他们既是大众态度的喉舌，也是塑造者。他们坚信，经过30年的战争，一个复兴的时期迟早会到来，而不是在遥远的将来，他们已经痛苦地错过了几十年，正是自鲁道夫皇帝统治以来(1612年，鲁道夫一世作为匈牙利国王)。一场大规模的反奥斯曼军事行动将启动，一场由欧洲基督教国家参与和支持的全面战役，由神圣罗马帝国的统治者和匈牙利国王费迪南德三世发起和控制。正如匈牙利地产政治化的当代言论所揭示的那样，这种乐观的期望与准备采取行动的热情表现相结合。他们表达了他们的巨大决心，即符合条件的人民将参加战斗，并在他们的储备允许的情况下尽可能有效地反对港口。这种不妥协的无畏精神，不惜任何代价与奥斯曼人的斗争，除了过去许多光荣的例子外，还得到了一些当代事件的支持。伤亡惨重的冲突在匈牙利和欧洲的公众生活中引起了巨大的轰动。同时代的人称赞那些倒下的人，包括1652年8月26日在维泽克萨梅尼发生的不幸的军事冲突，作为坚韧不拔的典范。在同时代人的眼中，那些在冲突中牺牲的人——包括四个Esterházy贵族家庭的成员——在人数众多的土耳其人面前树立了一个鼓舞人心的道德勇气的榜样:在一场无望的战斗中，他们选择了坚持到底，即英勇的自我牺牲，而不是投降。除了许多现存的话语，包括一些高质量的文学作品，证明了匈牙利人的勇敢和战斗价值之外，还创作了两件应用艺术作品，目的是使阵亡英雄的光荣记忆永久化。17世纪最后15年的历史性军事事件——奥斯曼帝国在匈牙利的战争的胜利结束，土耳其人的驱逐——推翻了整个欧洲都知道的古老谚语的原意，即匈牙利是西方基督教社区的保障/堡垒之一。虽然它可能已经失去了它的话题性，但它并没有从公众的记忆中消失。它经过了一些修改，语气发生了一些变化，动员的战斗口号被提及祖先的英雄事迹，光荣的过去，匈牙利王国的历史功绩所取代。除此之外- -作为结论- -是一种根植于历史经验的深刻信念，即在灾难时期，他们在对抗异教世界强国的斗争中坚持不懈并非徒劳。相反，这个国家把她近乎奇迹般的生存归功于它。毕竟，她的解体和灭亡是可以避免的，这一定是上帝的旨意。这个想法通过一种非常有效的构图以视觉语言传达出来，这是18世纪头十年在奥格斯堡制作的一幅雕刻，无疑是受匈牙利委托制作的。pannonhalma的Archabbot p. Aegidius Karner的想法或意图是什么?在论文的结尾部分，我们试图回答这个问题。
{"title":"Clipeus Christianitatis. Egy nagymúltú európai szállóige képi megjelenítésének változatai Magyarországon a 17. század második felében és a 18. század elején","authors":"András Szilágyi","doi":"10.1556/080.2022.00013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00013","url":null,"abstract":"The news of the peace of Westphalia in the autumn of 1648 certainly elicited great sighs of relief all over Europe, though contentedness was not yet universal. In countries over which the menace of the expansion and further advance of the Ottoman Empire loomed larger, the news generated a period of great hopes. This applied first of all to Hungary and Croatia where an optimistic public feeling began to spread wide. The main sources of this optimism were the influential politicians and their statements, who were both mouthpieces and shapers of the general attitude. Who were convinced that after 30 years of warfare a period of regeneration ought to come, and sooner or later – not in the distant future – what they had been painfully missing for decades, exactly since the reign of Emperor rudolph (†1612, rudolph I as king of Hungary): a major concerted anti-Ottoman military undertaking would be launched, a comprehensive campaign with the participation and support by Europe’s Christian countries initiated and controlled by the ruler of the Holy roman Empire and also king of Hungary ferdinand III. As the contemporary utterance of the politicizing Hungarian estates reveal, this optimistic expectation was paired with a zealous manifestation of a readiness to act. They voiced their great resolve with which the eligible population would take part and fight as effectively as their reserves allowed against the porte. This uncompromising intrepidity, the fight against the Ottomans at any price was fed – in addition to many glorious examples in the past – by several contemporary events. Clashes with great casualties which made great stirs in the Hungarian and European public life. Contemporaries hailed the fallen, including those of the ill-starred military encounter at vezekény on 26 August 1652, as inflaming examples of perseverance. In the eye of the contemporaries those killed in the clash – including four members of the aristocratic Esterházy family – set an inspiring example of moral courage in the teeth of Turkish superiority in numbers: in a hopeless battle they chose perseverance to the end, that is, heroic self-sacrifice, instead of surrendering. In addition to numerous quondam utterances including some quality works of literature testifying to the intrepidity and fighting value of the Hungarian estates, two works of the applied arts were also created with the aim of perpetuating the glorious memory of the fallen heroes. The historic military events of the last one and a half decades in the 17th century – the triumphant termination of the Ottoman wars in Hungary, the expulsion of the Turks – overruled the original meaning of the time-honoured adage known all over Europe, the idea that Hungary was one of the safeguards/bulwarks of the western Christian community. Although it might have lost its topicality, it did not fall out of public remembrance. It underwent some modification, some shift of tone, the militant slogan of mobilization giving way to re","PeriodicalId":499857,"journal":{"name":"Művészettörténeti értesítő (Nyomtatott)","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135107111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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