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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru 秘鲁帕查卡马克的无头墓葬
Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.5744/bi.2023.0020
Andrew J. Nelson, Jo Motley, Lucía Watson, Jocelyn Williams, Pauline Kirgis, J. Huchet, Suellen Gauld, Lauren Poeta, Ashley Ward, T. N. Nakahodo, Katherine Woodley, Hanne Andersen, Sorcha Rountree, Rory Succee, Jhon Baldeos, Sarita Fuentes, Denise Pozzi-Escot
A paleoradiographic survey of funerary bundles (fardos) from a Late Intermediate Period (1000 A.D.–1472 A.D.) cemetery in Sector 3 of the site of Pachacamac, Peru, demonstrated that 15 out of 61 individuals had had their head removed when the body was in an advanced state of skeletonization/mummification. Detailed analysis of the field report, the fardos themselves, and X-rays and computed tomography scans of the fardos suggested that nine of these individuals were potential candidates for head removal in antiquity. Of those nine, six appeared to be clear examples of this practice. The analysis of multiple lines of evidence suggests that the use of this cemetery was complex, as part of a dynamic mortuary program that involved exposing the body for varying lengths of time and repeated excavations for new interments when earlier burials were encountered. We conclude that these heads were removed from funerary bundles when graves were being dug for subsequent burials and the specific identity of the bundled individual had been lost. When considered within the abundant archaeological record of decapitation in the Pre-Hispanic Andes, as well as ethnohistoric accounts, this pattern is consistent with reported retrieval of heads as material manifestations of ancestors. However, when placed within the broader context of contemporary sites from the Central and Southern Coast, it is clear that specific cultural motivations may have varied through space and time.L’étude paléoradiographique de paquets funéraires (fardos) provenant d’un cimetière de la période intermédi-aire tardive (1000 A.D.– 1472 A.D.) dans le secteur 3 du site de Pachacamac, Pérou, a démontré que 15 des 61 in-dividus avaient subi une ablation de la tête lorsque que le corps était dans un état avancé de squelettisation/momification. L’analyse détaillée du rapport de fouille, des fardos eux- mêmes, ainsi que les résultats des radiographies et des tomodensitogrammes des fardos suggèrent que neuf de ces individus figuraient comme des candidats potentiels à la décollation sur la période considérée. Sur ces neuf individus, six d’entre eux semblent être des exemples clairs de cette pratique. L’analyse de plusieurs sources de données suggère que l’utilisation de ce cimetière était complexe et s’inscrivait dans le cadre d’un système mortuaire dynamique qui impliquait l’expo-sition du corps pour des durées variées ainsi que l’exhumation d’anciennes tombes pour procéder à de nouveaux ensevelissements. Nous concluons que ces têtes ont été soustraites des paquets funéraires lors du creusement de nouvelles tombes lorsque l’identité spécifique de l’individu anciennement inhumé avait été perdue. Si l’on tient compte de l’abondante documentation archéologique sur la décapitation dans les Andes pré- Hispaniques, ainsi que les récits ethnohistoriques, ce schéma est cohérent avec la récupération des têtes en tant que manifestations matérielles des ancêtres. Cependant, en se plaçant dans le contexte plus lar
对秘鲁帕查卡马克遗址 3 区一个中晚期(公元 1000 年-公元 1472 年)墓地中的陪葬品包(fardos)进行的古放射学调查表明,61 人中有 15 人的头部在骸骨化/ummification 阶段被移除。对现场报告、法尔多本身以及法尔多的 X 射线和计算机断层扫描的详细分析表明,这些人中有 9 人可能在古代被割去了头颅。在这九个人中,有六个似乎是这种做法的明显例子。对多种证据的分析表明,该墓地的使用是复杂的,是动态停尸计划的一部分,包括暴露尸体的时间长短不一,以及在遇到早期墓葬时反复挖掘新的墓葬。我们的结论是,这些头颅是在为后续墓葬挖掘坟墓时从陪葬品捆绑物中取出的,捆绑物的具体身份已经丢失。如果将这种模式与前西班牙时期安第斯地区大量的断头考古记录以及人种史记载结合起来考虑,就会发现这种模式与所报告的取回头颅作为祖先的物质表现形式是一致的。对秘鲁帕查卡马克遗址 3 区一处中晚期(公元 1000 年-公元 1472 年)墓地中的陪葬品包(fardos)进行的古放射学研究表明,61 个死者中有 15 人的头颅是在尸体处于骨骼化/肢体化晚期时被砍掉的。对发掘报告、"法尔多 "本身以及 "法尔多 "的 X 射线和 CT 扫描结果的详细分析表明,这些人中有 9 人可能在研究期间被去掉了头冠。在这九个人中,有六个似乎是这种做法的明显例子。对多种证据的分析表明,该墓地的使用是复杂的,是动态停尸系统的一部分,其中包括尸体暴露的时间长短不一,以及为新葬挖掘旧墓。我们的结论是,这些头颅是在挖掘新墓时从陪葬品包中取出的,此时之前埋葬的人的具体身份已不复存在。如果我们考虑到有关前西班牙安第斯地区斩首事件的大量考古文献以及人种史记载,这种模式与将头颅作为祖先的物质表现形式进行复原的做法是一致的。然而,从中部和南部海岸当代遗址的大背景来看,不能排除特定的文化动机可能在空间和时间上有所不同:Peru; headless burial; mortuary archaeology; pre-HispanicUn estudio paleoradiográfico de fardos funerarios del Período Intermedio Tardío (1000 d.C.-1472 d.C.) del cementerio en el Sector.在秘鲁帕查卡马克第 3 区的水泥窑中,总共 61 人中有 15 人的颅骨被挖出。对现场报告、"法尔多 "本身以及 "法尔多 "的 X 射线和计算机断层扫描进行的详细分析表明,这些人中有 9 人有可能进行头部重塑。在这九个人中,有七个似乎是这种做法的明显例子。对多方面证据的分析表明,这种修补法的使用是复杂的,是动态停尸计划的一部分,包括暴露尸体的时间长短不一,以及在发现早期墓葬时重复挖掘新的墓葬。我们得出结论认为,这些棺木是在挖掘后方墓穴时从殡葬墓地中挖出的,因此已经失去了被埋葬者的特殊身份。考虑到安第斯山区前西班牙时期大量的断头考古记录以及相关的文字史料,这一模式与作为前西班牙人表现形式的颅骨复原是一致的。尽管如此,如果将其置于中部和南部沿海地区更广阔的当代遗址背景之下,我们可以清楚地看到,特定的文化动机可能会随着空间和时间的变化而变化。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Ethical Guidelines and Policies of Bioarchaeology International 社论:国际生物考古学伦理准则和政策
Pub Date : 2024-03-07 DOI: 10.5744/bi.2023.7101
Siân Halcrow, Gwen Robbins Schug, Sabrina Agarwal, Brenda Baker
An editorial by Co-Editors-In-Chief, Siân Halcrow and Gwen Robbins Schug, and Founding Co-Editors-In-Chief, Sabrina Agarwal and Brenda Baker
联合主编 Siân Halcrow 和 Gwen Robbins Schug,以及创始联合主编 Sabrina Agarwal 和 Brenda Baker 的社论
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引用次数: 0
Resilience and Climate Instability at the Beginning of the Middle Horizon (550–800 A.D.) 中地平线初期(公元 550-800 年)的复原力和气候不稳定性
Pub Date : 2024-03-05 DOI: 10.5744/bi.2023.0011
Maricarmen Vega, Ana Cecilia Mauricio
This article presents a study of the relationship between violence and climate stress in the Lima culture, a pre-Hispanic society of the Peruvian central coast, which developed approximately between 200 and 800 A.D. Different investigations have shown that around 550–750 A.D., the Peruvian coast experienced strong El Niño events that created environmental and social stress scenarios for coastal pre-Hispanic societies. Our data show that although evidence supports the presence of at least one powerful El Niño event on the central coast around 600 A.D., this episode of climatic stress related to extensive flood deposits seems to have not had a direct effect on the levels of interpersonal and intergroup violence recorded at Lima culture sites during this period. The prevalence of cranial trauma seems to have decreased during this time compared with the previous phase (from 50% to 25% in males and from 40% to 15.7% in females). The pattern and lethality of the lesions suggest that they were primarily produced in nonlethal face-to-face encounters, although some individuals could have also been victims of raiding. However, even though interpersonal/intergroup violence did not rise during this period of climatic stress, more complicated and ritualized manifestations of violence arose instead. Further comparisons of these findings with other Andean regions showed that coastal pre-Hispanic societies reacted in different ways to these challenging climate events. Through cooperation and an effective social, political, and economic reorganization, the Limas coped with a challenging period. Este artículo presenta un estudio sobre la relación entre violencia y estrés climático en la cultura Lima, una sociedad prehispánica de la costa central del Perú, la cual se desarrolló aproximadamente entre 200-800 AD. Diversas investigaciones han mostrado que alrededor de 550-750 AD la costa peruana experimentó fuertes eventos de El Niño que causaron escenarios de estrés social y ambiental para las sociedades prehispánicas costeras. Nuestros datos muestran que, aunque la evidencia apoya la presencia de al menos un evento de El Niño muy severo alrededor de 600 AD, este episodio relacionado con extensos depósitos aluviales no tuvo un efecto directo en los niveles de violencia interpersonal registrados en sitios de la cultura Lima durante este periodo. La prevalencia de trauma craneal parece haber decrecido durante este tiempo en comparación con periodos previos (de 50% a 25% en individuos masculinos y de 40% a 15.7% en femeninos). El patrón de letalidad de las lesiones sugiere que estas fueron producidas principalmente en encuentros no letales cara a cara, aunque algunos individuos pudieron ser víctimas de incursiones. Sin embargo, aun cuando la violencia interpersonal no aumentó durante este periodo de estrés climático, sí aumentaron las manifestaciones más ritualizadas y complejas de violencia. Comparaciones adicionales de estos hallazgos con otras regiones andinas muest
本文介绍了对利马文化中暴力与气候压力之间关系的研究,利马文化是秘鲁中部沿海的前西班牙社会,大约发展于公元 200 年至 800 年之间。不同的调查显示,公元 550-750 年左右,秘鲁沿海经历了强烈的厄尔尼诺事件,给沿海的前西班牙社会造成了环境和社会压力。我们的数据显示,虽然有证据表明公元 600 年左右中部沿海地区至少发生过一次强烈的厄尔尼诺现象,但这一与大量洪水沉积有关的气候压力似乎并没有对这一时期利马文化遗址记录的人际和群体间暴力程度产生直接影响。与前一阶段相比,这一时期颅骨创伤的发生率似乎有所下降(男性从 50%下降到 25%,女性从 40%下降到 15.7%)。伤痕的形态和致命性表明,它们主要是在非致命性的面对面接触中产生的,尽管有些人也可能是突袭的受害者。然而,尽管人际/群体间的暴力行为在这一气候压力时期并没有增加,但却出现了更为复杂和仪式化的暴力表现形式。将这些研究结果与安第斯其他地区进行进一步比较后发现,前西班牙时期的沿海社会以不同的方式应对这些具有挑战性的气候事件。通过合作和有效的社会、政治和经济重组,利马人应对了这一充满挑战的时期。利马文化是秘鲁中部沿海的一个前西班牙社会,大约在公元 200-800 年间发展起来。研究表明,大约在公元 550-750 年间,秘鲁沿海地区经历了强烈的厄尔尼诺现象,给沿海的前西班牙社会造成了社会和环境压力。我们的数据显示,虽然有证据表明公元 600 年左右至少发生过一次非常严重的厄尔尼诺现象,但这一与大量冲积层有关的事件并没有对这一时期利马文化遗址记录的人际暴力程度产生直接影响。与之前的时期相比,这一时期头部创伤的发生率似乎有所下降(男性从 50%下降到 25%,女性从 40%下降到 15.7%)。伤害致死率的模式表明,伤害主要发生在非致命性的面对面冲突中,尽管有些人可能是突袭的受害者。不过,在气候紧张时期,虽然人际间的暴力行为没有增加,但仪式性更强、表现形式更复杂的暴力行为却有所增加。将这些发现与安第斯其他地区进行进一步比较后发现,前西班牙时期的沿海社会以不同的方式应对这些具有挑战性的气候事件。显然,喇嘛人通过合作和有效的社会、政治和经济重组,克服了这一困难时期。
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Bioarchaeology International
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