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Colonial Business in Postcolonial Germany: The Imperial Afterlives of C. Woermann, 1919–1945 后殖民时期德国的殖民商业:C. Woermann 的帝国余生,1919-1945 年
Pub Date : 2024-05-24 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777324000171
Kim Sebastian Todzi
Situating itself at the intersection of colonial history, global history and business history, this article highlights the overlooked history of German colonial companies post-First World War. It argues for an ‘imperial afterlife’ through continued German corporate interests in African markets, emphasising the economic dimension of imperialism. Using C. Woermann as an example, it shows how the company adapted to the post-First World War global order, underwent organisational changes, and merged with National Socialist policies in Eastern Europe after 1939, revealing the adaptability of imperial enterprises.
本文立足于殖民史、全球史和商业史的交汇点,强调了第一次世界大战后德国殖民公司被忽视的历史。文章通过德国企业在非洲市场的持续利益,论证了 "帝国的来世",强调了帝国主义的经济维度。文章以 C. Woermann 公司为例,展示了该公司如何适应一战后的全球秩序、经历组织变革以及在 1939 年后与东欧国家社会主义政策的融合,揭示了帝国企业的适应性。
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引用次数: 0
Liberation, Re-Education, Democratisation: The Politics of Gratitude in German-American Relations after 1945 解放、再教育、民主化:1945 年后德美关系中的感恩政治
Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777324000055
Katharina Gerund
The US-American presence in postwar Germany and its role in West Germany's re-education and democratisation have fuelled a discourse of gratitude that has lastingly shaped the transatlantic alliance. German politicians and other policy actors continue to rely on proclamations of ‘thankfulness’ as a means of what Todd Hall has termed ‘emotional diplomacy’. In the process, they affirm a collective memory of the postwar years that emphasises friendship and contains social conflicts, political tensions, and ambivalent affects. They draw on iconic tropes and powerful narratives – ranging from the GI handing out chewing gum to CARE packages and the ‘gift’ of democracy – which have cast German-American relations in terms of generosity, gift-giving, and gratitude. This article traces the roots of this discourse to (the popular memory of) the postwar moment and situates it vis-à-vis the multifaceted affective landscape of early postwar Germany with a specific focus on its gender logics and with an eye to its benefits and the risks it entails.
美军在战后德国的存在及其在西德再教育和民主化进程中发挥的作用助长了感恩言论,这种言论持久地塑造了跨大西洋联盟。德国政治家和其他政策制定者继续将 "感恩 "宣言作为托德-霍尔(Todd Hall)所称的 "情感外交 "的一种手段。在这一过程中,他们肯定了战后岁月的集体记忆,这种记忆强调友谊,包含社会冲突、政治紧张和矛盾情感。他们借鉴了标志性套路和强有力的叙事--从美国大兵派发口香糖到关怀包裹和民主的 "礼物"--这些套路和叙事从慷慨、送礼和感恩的角度塑造了德美关系。本文追溯了战后时期(大众记忆)这一话语的根源,并将其与战后初期德国多层面的情感景观相联系,特别关注其性别逻辑,同时关注其带来的好处和风险。
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引用次数: 0
Sexual Knowledge and Expertise in Europe's East: Transnational Exchanges 欧洲东部的性知识和专业知识:跨国交流
Pub Date : 2024-01-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0960777323000632
K. Líšková, Kate Fisher
East Central Europe played a crucial role in shaping the development of sexual science from the 1870s onwards. The life-histories of influential and well-known figures such as Sigmund Freud (born in Freiberg/Příbor), Magnus Hirschfeld (born in Kolberg/Kolobrzeg) and Karl Maria Kertbeny (born in Vienna, based in Budapest) reveal the imperial interconnectedness of East Central Europe with what would become Western Europe. By 1932, when the World League for Sexual Reform held its congress in Brno (following previous meetings in Berlin, London, Vienna, and Copenhagen), the society had established branches across the region, including Poland, Austria, and Czechoslovakia. In that same year, Poland decriminalised homosexual acts. Yet, East Central Europe is often neglected in the history of sexology and little is known about how sexual science in these regions shaped, and was shaped by, global networks of knowledge production. Indeed, despite recent attempts to demonstrate the ways in which sexual science was a truly global enterprise, East Central Europe remains to be fully incorporated into our mapping of the global networks of sexological dialogue and exchange.1 This is especially true of scholarship on the period after the Second World War. Historians have tended to misconstrue the transnational nature of sexual science in East Central Europe both before and after 1945. First, the contribution of East Central Europeans to European cultures of scientific exchanges has been obscured by the tendency of much historical writing to focus on a small number of key pioneers (Krafft-Ebing, Magnus Hirschfeld, Sigmund Freud and Havelock Ellis). Second, it is assumed that East Central European sexual science was largely cut off from international networks of knowledge exchange after the Second World War following the onset of the Cold War.2 Third, there are preconceived notions that communist authoritarian governments, having curtailed political freedoms and economic entrepreneurialism, must have also taken a repressive stance against sexual expression.3 Fourth, the dominance of 1989 as the fundamental caesura has encouraged a periodisation that fails to draw enough attention to the shifts in transnational patterns of knowledge exchange around sexual politics during the period 1945 to 1989 and fails to identify key continuities that link the sexual politics of the contemporary world with those of the communist period. None of these assumptions can withstand scrutiny, as the articles in this forum reveal. Building on a recent boost in scholarly interest in the sexual histories of the region,4 we present a collection of papers that each detail the transnational connections of local sexual experts in creating sexual knowledge both before and during state socialism.5
自 19 世纪 70 年代起,中东欧地区在性科学的发展过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。西格蒙德-弗洛伊德(生于弗赖贝格/普日堡)、马格努斯-赫希菲尔德(生于科尔贝格/科洛布热格)和卡尔-玛丽亚-克特贝尼(生于维也纳,常驻布达佩斯)等具有影响力的知名人物的生平事迹揭示了中东欧地区与后来的西欧之间的帝国联系。1932 年,世界性改革联盟在布尔诺召开大会(此前曾在柏林、伦敦、维也纳和哥本哈根举行过会议),当时该协会已在波兰、奥地利和捷克斯洛伐克等地区建立了分支机构。同年,波兰宣布同性恋行为合法化。然而,中东欧地区在性学史上往往被忽视,人们对这些地区的性科学如何塑造全球知识生产网络以及如何被全球知识生产网络所塑造知之甚少。事实上,尽管最近有人试图展示性科学如何成为一项真正的全球性事业,但中东欧地区仍未被完全纳入我们对全球性学对话与交流网络的描绘之中1 。历史学家往往误解了 1945 年前后中东欧地区性科学的跨国性质。首先,许多历史著作倾向于关注少数关键先驱(克拉夫特-艾宾、马格努斯-赫希菲尔德、西格蒙德-弗洛伊德和哈维洛克-埃利斯),这掩盖了中东欧人对欧洲科学交流文化的贡献。第二,人们假定,第二次世界大战后,随着冷战的爆发,中东欧地区的性科学在很大程度上被切断了与国际知识交流网络的联系。2 第三,人们先入为主地认为,共产主义专制政府限制了政治自由和经济创业精神,必然也会对性表达采取压制态度。3 第四,将 1989 年作为一个基本的停顿期,助长了一种时期划分,未能引起人们对 1945 年至 1989 年期间围绕性政治的跨国知识交流模式的变化的足够重视,也未能发现将当代世界的性政治与共产主义时期的性政治联系起来的关键连续性。正如本论坛的文章所揭示的,这些假设都经不起推敲。最近,学者们对该地区性历史的兴趣大增,4 在此基础上,我们汇集了一系列论文,详细介绍了当地性专家在国家社会主义之前和期间创造性知识的跨国联系。
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引用次数: 0
Franco's Moroccans 佛朗哥的摩洛哥人
Pub Date : 2020-05-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0960777320000284
Ali Al Tuma
Recent research into the Moroccan troops who fought in the Spanish Civil War has both drawn from and contributed to insights gained from new historiographical developments in the field of the Spanish conflict as well as other European twentieth-century conflicts. Studies examining the experiences and choices of low-level participants of the war, whether soldiers or civilians – on both the Francoist and republican sides – have increasingly shown that they were players in possession of a certain degree of agency, however limited. That agency allowed these low-level players, whether Spanish or Moroccan, to influence war events to a higher degree than previously thought possible, and has shown that mobilisation for and maintenance of the war effort depended on a certain mixture of coercion and negotiation, even within the more authoritarian Francoist camp. In the European context, the Moroccan participation in the 1936–9 war has its special characteristics, one of which is that its military significance weighed heavier than other colonial contributions to European battlefields between 1914 and 1945, and therefore the agency of Moroccans was more consequential. Nevertheless, it has much in common with other European experiences. A recent collaborative volume on British, French, Spanish and Dutch colonial armies in the first half of the twentieth century, Colonial Soldiers in Europe (2016), edited by Eric Storm and myself, has helped put the Moroccan–Spanish experience in European perspective. Similarities abound, not only in colonial soldiers’ experiences of fighting in foreign lands, but also between the various Western European attempts at controlling, i.e. limiting, the cultural and human consequences of this massive irruption of male warriors into the continent.
最近对参加西班牙内战的摩洛哥军队的研究,既借鉴了西班牙冲突以及二十世纪欧洲其他冲突领域的史学新发展,也促进了对这些新发展的认识。对战争中的低层参与者(无论是士兵还是平民,无论是佛朗哥派还是共和派)的经历和选择的研究越来越多地表明,他们是拥有某种程度的能动性的参与者,尽管这种能动性是有限的。这种能动性使这些低层参与者(无论是西班牙人还是摩洛哥人)对战争事件的影响程度超出了以往的想象,并表明战争的动员和维持依赖于一定程度的强制和谈判,即使在更加专制的佛朗哥阵营内部也是如此。在欧洲背景下,摩洛哥参与 1936-9 年战争有其特殊性,其中之一是其军事意义重于 1914-1945 年间欧洲战场上的其他殖民贡献,因此摩洛哥人的作用更为重要。然而,它与欧洲其他国家的经历有许多共同之处。最近,由埃里克-斯托姆(Eric Storm)和我本人编辑的一本关于 20 世纪上半叶英国、法国、西班牙和荷兰殖民军队的合作专著《欧洲的殖民士兵》(2016 年),有助于将摩洛哥-西班牙的经历置于欧洲的视角下进行审视。不仅殖民地士兵在异国他乡的战斗经历,而且西欧各国试图控制(即限制)男性战士大规模涌入欧洲大陆所造成的文化和人类后果的各种努力之间,也存在着大量相似之处。
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary European History
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