Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.01
S. Ngadiran, Tatiana A. Denisova
Studies on the history of Christian propagation among Muslim communities in Malaya are mostly limited to certain aspects such as education, printing, and others. Hence the need for a thorough study of the approaches used by Christian missionaries was discovered to be significant because the European Christian missionaries typically developed closer relationships with the local community and the Sultan than the colonists themselves. Therefore, this study aims to identify the approaches used by Thomas Beighton (1790-1844), an LMS missionary, in propagating to the Malay committees in Penang and Kedah. Also, the historical analysis used in this study is based on Beighton’s letters and reports, which were obtained from the collection of the Council of World Mission-London Missionary Society (CWM-LMS) Penang in the archives of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), the University of London. Thus, based on the research, there are three main approaches that Beighton has used: education, writing and publications, and his relation with the local ruler. This is where Beighton indirectly played a role as an agent of British colonialism through certain approaches. This indirectly shows that there are elements of Westernization in Beighton’s approach to the local community in both states.
{"title":"Pendekatan Thomas Beighton (1790-1844) dalam Penyebaran Agama Kristian di Pulau Pinang dan Kedah (1819-1844) (Thomas Beighton (1790-1844)’s Approaches to Propagate Christianity in Penang and Kedah (1819-1844))","authors":"S. Ngadiran, Tatiana A. Denisova","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.01","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on the history of Christian propagation among Muslim communities in Malaya are mostly limited to certain aspects such as education, printing, and others. Hence the need for a thorough study of the approaches used by Christian missionaries was discovered to be significant because the European Christian missionaries typically developed closer relationships with the local community and the Sultan than the colonists themselves. Therefore, this study aims to identify the approaches used by Thomas Beighton (1790-1844), an LMS missionary, in propagating to the Malay committees in Penang and Kedah. Also, the historical analysis used in this study is based on Beighton’s letters and reports, which were obtained from the collection of the Council of World Mission-London Missionary Society (CWM-LMS) Penang in the archives of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), the University of London. Thus, based on the research, there are three main approaches that Beighton has used: education, writing and publications, and his relation with the local ruler. This is where Beighton indirectly played a role as an agent of British colonialism through certain approaches. This indirectly shows that there are elements of Westernization in Beighton’s approach to the local community in both states.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"136 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140271152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.05
Li Jun, Chin Kok Fay
With China’s economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country’s national interest. The growth of China’s financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China’s financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China’s deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping’s administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi’s successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China’s deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region.
{"title":"China’s Financial Statecraft under Xi Jinping Administration in Selected Southeast Asian Countries","authors":"Li Jun, Chin Kok Fay","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.05","url":null,"abstract":"With China’s economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country’s national interest. The growth of China’s financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China’s financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China’s deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping’s administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi’s successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China’s deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"698 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140281090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.06
Seda Gözde Tokatli
The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine that began in 2022 has reached diverse effects and reasons in the system. But Russia deems Ukraine within her sphere of influence and has been infuriated at Ukraine’s nearness with the West and her desire to join NATO or the EU. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the multiple effects of the conflict on the global powers and explain how states’ national interests and goals have driven their responses in the foreign policy. The main driving point of this article is to focus on the several reasons and effects of Ukraine war that shakes the balance between the global powers in the world and how it disturbs the already existing order. This article will benefit from the perspectives of realism theory when deciphering the causes of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the regional and global implications of this conflict in various ways. To reveal the increasing power race within the system, to be able to see the changing balances within the framework of the concept of national interest and to see the impact of the war within the system, the theory of neorealism has been included in the study. This article will focus on three levels of analysis such as individual, state, and systemic in examining the main driving forces behind of Russia and Ukraine conflict. This war was not only occurred between Russia and Ukraine, it has had also created a huge impact on the other regions or international organizations in a different area. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia remains the most dangerous, immediate, and long-term threat to the Euro-Atlantic community and rules-based world order. During this study, it will focus on the descriptive theory by using comparison methods and techniques.
{"title":"The Multifaceted Impacts and Reasons of the Ukraine War: A Theoretical Analysis","authors":"Seda Gözde Tokatli","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.06","url":null,"abstract":"The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine that began in 2022 has reached diverse effects and reasons in the system. But Russia deems Ukraine within her sphere of influence and has been infuriated at Ukraine’s nearness with the West and her desire to join NATO or the EU. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the multiple effects of the conflict on the global powers and explain how states’ national interests and goals have driven their responses in the foreign policy. The main driving point of this article is to focus on the several reasons and effects of Ukraine war that shakes the balance between the global powers in the world and how it disturbs the already existing order. This article will benefit from the perspectives of realism theory when deciphering the causes of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the regional and global implications of this conflict in various ways. To reveal the increasing power race within the system, to be able to see the changing balances within the framework of the concept of national interest and to see the impact of the war within the system, the theory of neorealism has been included in the study. This article will focus on three levels of analysis such as individual, state, and systemic in examining the main driving forces behind of Russia and Ukraine conflict. This war was not only occurred between Russia and Ukraine, it has had also created a huge impact on the other regions or international organizations in a different area. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia remains the most dangerous, immediate, and long-term threat to the Euro-Atlantic community and rules-based world order. During this study, it will focus on the descriptive theory by using comparison methods and techniques.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"312 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140281366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.02
Lakshmy Naidu, Mohd Ikbal Mohd Huda, Ravichandran Moorthy
The Malaysian palm oil industry is a significant contributor towards national development and economic growth. However, the industry has been facing rising tension to ensure sustainable development, as global demand for palm oil continue to grow in the coming years. The necessity for producing and trading sustainably produced palm oil is amplified with the European Union’s stringent requirement for importing responsibly sourced commodities into its market, with the aim to achieve climateneutral by 2050. The palm oil industry is also inundated with anti-palm oil campaigns and agendas, which emphasize allegations of unsustainable agricultural practices as large-scale plantations damage the natural ecosystem in producing countries. Collectively, these challenges could pose a formidable impact on the trade of palm oil between Malaysia and the European Union. Therefore, the article seeks to examine the strategic responses undertaken by Malaysian stakeholder agencies to address the regulations pertaining to sustainable production of palm oil. Using a qualitative approach, a total of ten sessions of in-depth interviews were held with expert informants in stakeholder agencies, both in Malaysia and the European Union. Among the key findings were the formulation and implementation of the National Agricommodity Policy, deployment of various missions to the European Union, implementation of Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) certification as the national sustainability scheme, dissemination of accurate information on sustainable and certified palm oil, and continuous engagement through bilateral and multilateral platforms. Based on the findings, this study suggests that inclusive and transparent engagement must be conducted continuously. Constantly held dialogue sessions will help to promote better understanding and fruitful collaboration among stakeholder agencies in Malaysia and the European Union to balance environmental concerns with trade interests.
{"title":"Trade Competitiveness and Sustainability Policies of Malaysian Palm Oil in the European Union: Strategic Responses by Stakeholders Agencies","authors":"Lakshmy Naidu, Mohd Ikbal Mohd Huda, Ravichandran Moorthy","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.02","url":null,"abstract":"The Malaysian palm oil industry is a significant contributor towards national development and economic growth. However, the industry has been facing rising tension to ensure sustainable development, as global demand for palm oil continue to grow in the coming years. The necessity for producing and trading sustainably produced palm oil is amplified with the European Union’s stringent requirement for importing responsibly sourced commodities into its market, with the aim to achieve climateneutral by 2050. The palm oil industry is also inundated with anti-palm oil campaigns and agendas, which emphasize allegations of unsustainable agricultural practices as large-scale plantations damage the natural ecosystem in producing countries. Collectively, these challenges could pose a formidable impact on the trade of palm oil between Malaysia and the European Union. Therefore, the article seeks to examine the strategic responses undertaken by Malaysian stakeholder agencies to address the regulations pertaining to sustainable production of palm oil. Using a qualitative approach, a total of ten sessions of in-depth interviews were held with expert informants in stakeholder agencies, both in Malaysia and the European Union. Among the key findings were the formulation and implementation of the National Agricommodity Policy, deployment of various missions to the European Union, implementation of Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) certification as the national sustainability scheme, dissemination of accurate information on sustainable and certified palm oil, and continuous engagement through bilateral and multilateral platforms. Based on the findings, this study suggests that inclusive and transparent engagement must be conducted continuously. Constantly held dialogue sessions will help to promote better understanding and fruitful collaboration among stakeholder agencies in Malaysia and the European Union to balance environmental concerns with trade interests.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"16 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140277472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.04
Mohd Shazwan Mokhtar
This article explores the connection between the phenomenon of global economic downturn with the Federated Malay States (FMS). It focuses on the economic relationship between the metropolitan power and the FMS that is subordinate to it. The necessity to continue exploiting raw materials in Malaya influenced the implementation of colonial development policies during economic downturns. However, these policies only prioritized sectors that directly contributed to the growth of the metropolitan economy. This article substantiates this situation through the development of pineapple-based food products and rice supplies in the FMS. Colonial Office sources 273, 323, 576, and 852 are utilized to construct the economic relationship between the FMS and the metropolitan power. Meanwhile, colonial administrative records in the FMS are employed to demonstrate the impact of economic downturns and colonial development on its economic structure. The findings of this study confirm the existence of a symbiotic economic relationship between the FMS and the metropolitan power. Colonial development policies were implemented to expedite the exploitation of FMS economic resources more rapidly during economic downturns. These policies also affected the role of the FMS as a supplier of food products within the British Empire’s trading network.
{"title":"Zaman Meleset dan Pembangunan Kolonial di Negeri-Negeri Melayu Bersekutu, 1929-1938 (The Great Depression and Colonial Development in the Federated Malay States, 1929-1938)","authors":"Mohd Shazwan Mokhtar","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.04","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the connection between the phenomenon of global economic downturn with the Federated Malay States (FMS). It focuses on the economic relationship between the metropolitan power and the FMS that is subordinate to it. The necessity to continue exploiting raw materials in Malaya influenced the implementation of colonial development policies during economic downturns. However, these policies only prioritized sectors that directly contributed to the growth of the metropolitan economy. This article substantiates this situation through the development of pineapple-based food products and rice supplies in the FMS. Colonial Office sources 273, 323, 576, and 852 are utilized to construct the economic relationship between the FMS and the metropolitan power. Meanwhile, colonial administrative records in the FMS are employed to demonstrate the impact of economic downturns and colonial development on its economic structure. The findings of this study confirm the existence of a symbiotic economic relationship between the FMS and the metropolitan power. Colonial development policies were implemented to expedite the exploitation of FMS economic resources more rapidly during economic downturns. These policies also affected the role of the FMS as a supplier of food products within the British Empire’s trading network.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"542 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140275049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.03
Zaharul Abdullah, Rosyidah Muhamad, Noor Ashikin Said
Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the ‘Go Global’ strategy, China’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China’s economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China’s role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment.
{"title":"U.S. Economic Policy Towards China under the Biden Administration","authors":"Zaharul Abdullah, Rosyidah Muhamad, Noor Ashikin Said","doi":"10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2024.5101.03","url":null,"abstract":"Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the ‘Go Global’ strategy, China’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China’s economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China’s role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment.","PeriodicalId":506864,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies","volume":"54 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140282860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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