Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00082.ver
A. Versloot
This article discusses the historical form of the gerund in Old English, attested both as ‑enne and ‑anne. The former is commonly considered to be the historical form, while the latter is thought to have resulted from analogical levelling on the basis of the infinitive that ended in ‑an. The primacy of ‑enne is based on the assumption that i-mutation in unstressed syllables worked to the same extent as in stressed ones, but it is argued that the working of sound laws can be dependent on stress and the quality of the mutation factor. In this paper, I propose that the order should be reversed and that ‑anne is the historical form, while ‑enne probably shows phonological reduction in word-internal position.
{"title":"The Old English gerund in ‑enne or ‑anne","authors":"A. Versloot","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00082.ver","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00082.ver","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article discusses the historical form of the gerund in Old English, attested both as ‑enne\u0000 and ‑anne. The former is commonly considered to be the historical form, while the latter is thought to have\u0000 resulted from analogical levelling on the basis of the infinitive that ended in ‑an. The primacy of\u0000 ‑enne is based on the assumption that i-mutation in unstressed syllables worked to the same\u0000 extent as in stressed ones, but it is argued that the working of sound laws can be dependent on stress and the quality of the\u0000 mutation factor. In this paper, I propose that the order should be reversed and that ‑anne is the historical\u0000 form, while ‑enne probably shows phonological reduction in word-internal position.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140686657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00084.sch
M. Schulte
The article presents a new periodization of the language of the older runic inscriptions (until 750 AD) by dividing the whole period into four subperiods instead of two (i.e. in contrast to Krause’s dichotomy of Frühurnordisch and Späturnordisch). The study focuses on the earliest layers of runic inscriptions in older fuþark, namely the pre-classical and classical group prior to 400/450 AD. The new runic finds from Svingerud in Norway reinforce the notion of an archaic, pre-classical runic layer, starting already c. 1/50 AD. In order to distinguish a pre-classical Nordic period, the nominative singular masculine of the weak n-stems is viewed as a decisive criterion, in particular the masculine nouns in -o. In addition, the article presents a valid diagnostic criterion to distinguish between ‘post-classical’ and ‘transitional’ inscriptions, viz. the phoneme-grapheme-correspondences of the starlike rune . The result of this approach is a quadripartite division of the older-fuþark inscriptions that bridges that span between late North-West Germanic and early Old Norse.
{"title":"Stationen der frühen nordgermanischen Sprachgeschichte","authors":"M. Schulte","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00084.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00084.sch","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The article presents a new periodization of the language of the older runic inscriptions (until 750 AD) by dividing the whole period into four subperiods instead of two (i.e. in contrast to Krause’s dichotomy of Frühurnordisch and Späturnordisch). The study focuses on the earliest layers of runic inscriptions in older fuþark, namely the pre-classical and classical group prior to 400/450 AD. The new runic finds from Svingerud in Norway reinforce the notion of an archaic, pre-classical runic layer, starting already c. 1/50 AD. In order to distinguish a pre-classical Nordic period, the nominative singular masculine of the weak n-stems is viewed as a decisive criterion, in particular the masculine nouns in -o. In addition, the article presents a valid diagnostic criterion to distinguish between ‘post-classical’ and ‘transitional’ inscriptions, viz. the phoneme-grapheme-correspondences of the starlike rune . The result of this approach is a quadripartite division of the older-fuþark inscriptions that bridges that span between late North-West Germanic and early Old Norse.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140686910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00085.rau
Christine Rauer
{"title":"Review of Timofeeva (2022): Sociolinguistic Variation in Old English: Records of Communities and People","authors":"Christine Rauer","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00085.rau","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00085.rau","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140686122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00083.fal
V. Faltings
When the Etymologisches Wörterbuch der friesischen Adjektiva appeared in 2010, the author was well aware that with the complexity of the Frisian linguistic situation and its often unpublished handwritten sources, he would have missed one or two interesting adjectives. Thirteen additional Frisian adjectives have meanwhile been found in other until now less regarded lexicographic material: germ. *auþa‑ ‘easy’, *ferhwta‑ ‘endowed with a good spirit’, *gillja‑ ‘gaping, protruding’, *hlaupja‑ ‘unpicking, riving’, *krupila‑ ‘crippled’, *lega‑ ‘lying’, *lunka‑ ‘smirched, blotted’, *mūka‑ ‘mellow’, *slunka‑ ‘of reduced quality’, *stamara‑ ‘stammering’, *stamma‑ ‘talking inhibited’, *straka‑ ‘streched’, *sturra‑ ‘stiff, standing off rigidly’. These adjectives will be subjected to an etymological investigation below. This article is the third supplement with such analyses.
{"title":"Addenda zum Etymologischen Wörterbuch der friesischen Adjektiva, Teil III","authors":"V. Faltings","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00083.fal","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00083.fal","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000When the Etymologisches Wörterbuch der friesischen Adjektiva appeared in 2010, the author was well aware that with the complexity of the Frisian linguistic situation and its often unpublished handwritten sources, he would have missed one or two interesting adjectives. Thirteen additional Frisian adjectives have meanwhile been found in other until now less regarded lexicographic material: germ. *auþa‑ ‘easy’, *ferhwta‑ ‘endowed with a good spirit’, *gillja‑ ‘gaping, protruding’, *hlaupja‑ ‘unpicking, riving’, *krupila‑ ‘crippled’, *lega‑ ‘lying’, *lunka‑ ‘smirched, blotted’, *mūka‑ ‘mellow’, *slunka‑ ‘of reduced quality’, *stamara‑ ‘stammering’, *stamma‑ ‘talking inhibited’, *straka‑ ‘streched’, *sturra‑ ‘stiff, standing off rigidly’. These adjectives will be subjected to an etymological investigation below. This article is the third supplement with such analyses.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140686379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-18DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00081.say
William Sayers
This article compares the commercial knowledge of a Norwegian skipper in the Icelandic Laxdæla saga with the medieval Irish law of the shore, now accessible in recently edited Irish legal tracts. His knowledge of Ireland is matched by the ship’s master, Óláfr paí Hǫskuldsson, son of an enslaved mother but grandson of an Irish king. The essay reviews the possibility of cultural transfers from the medieval Norse-Celtic world of Ireland and the Scottish Isles to settlement-era Iceland in the spheres of story-telling, law, and governance.
{"title":"Óláfr pái Hǫskuldsson’s landing in Ireland (Laxdæla saga) in light of the Irish law\u0000 of the shore","authors":"William Sayers","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00081.say","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00081.say","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article compares the commercial knowledge of a Norwegian skipper in the Icelandic Laxdæla\u0000 saga with the medieval Irish law of the shore, now accessible in recently edited Irish legal tracts. His knowledge of\u0000 Ireland is matched by the ship’s master, Óláfr paí Hǫskuldsson, son of an enslaved mother but grandson of an\u0000 Irish king. The essay reviews the possibility of cultural transfers from the medieval Norse-Celtic world of Ireland and the\u0000 Scottish Isles to settlement-era Iceland in the spheres of story-telling, law, and governance.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140689768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00080.zil
Kristel Zilmer, Krister S.K. Vasshus
In 2021–2023, several rune-inscribed sandstone fragments were discovered by archaeologists of the Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, at a Roman Iron Age grave field by the Svingerud road at Hole in eastern Norway. Several of these fragments fit together as parts of one larger sandstone slab. The main fragment with multiple inscriptions was unearthed in a flat grave (cremation) in November 2021. Radiocarbon dating of the organic material dated the burial to before 300 CE (Solheim et al., forthcoming). This article provides a detailed runological and linguistic account of the inscribed fragments, as of July 2023. The focus is on the main finds, while the work on numerous small fragments is ongoing. This find may shed new light on the features and functions of early runic writing.
{"title":"Runic fragments from the Svingerud grave field in Norway","authors":"Kristel Zilmer, Krister S.K. Vasshus","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00080.zil","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00080.zil","url":null,"abstract":"In 2021–2023, several rune-inscribed sandstone fragments were discovered by archaeologists of the Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, at a Roman Iron Age grave field by the Svingerud road at Hole in eastern Norway. Several of these fragments fit together as parts of one larger sandstone slab. The main fragment with multiple inscriptions was unearthed in a flat grave (cremation) in November 2021. Radiocarbon dating of the organic material dated the burial to before 300 CE (Solheim et al., forthcoming). This article provides a detailed runological and linguistic account of the inscribed fragments, as of July 2023. The focus is on the main finds, while the work on numerous small fragments is ongoing. This find may shed new light on the features and functions of early runic writing.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139182630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00079.bic
H. Bichlmeier
The way in which Slavic names in Bavaria have been transmitted into Old High German has been well researched already, but open questions remain. It is possible to date the loan processes when the names contain sounds with diagnostic value or show datable sound changes, such as the metathesis of liquids or the rounding of Proto-Slavic *a to Common Slavic *o or when Slavic *b is substituted by OHG *v > f. The integration of Slavic names into OHG started before 800 and came to an end around 1100. The way in which Slavic *ě was loaned also might play a role in dating these processes, but the situation remains unclear so far: Mostly it appears as OHG e, ē, but in a few cases there is a resulting sound containing /i/. This sound may have come into existence either by an early integration of Slavic *ě as OHG *ē2 or when a younger Sorbian raising of *ě to some i-diphthong had already taken place.
关于巴伐利亚的斯拉夫语地名如何传入古高地德语的问题已经有了深入的研究，但仍有一些悬而未决的问题。当地名中包含具有诊断价值的音或显示可确定日期的音变时，就有可能确定借用过程的日期，如液体的变音或原斯拉夫语 *a 变为普通斯拉夫语 *o 或斯拉夫语 *b 被奥高德语 *v > f 取代。斯拉夫语*ě的借入方式也可能对这些过程的年代起作用，但至今情况仍不清楚： 大多数情况下，它以 OHG e, ē 的形式出现，但在少数情况下，会产生一个包含 /i/ 的音。 这个音可能是斯拉夫语*ě早期整合为OHG *ē2时出现的，也可能是年轻的索布语人将*ě提升为某个i-双元音时出现的。
{"title":"Zur Eindeutschung slawischer Ortsnamen in Bayern","authors":"H. Bichlmeier","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00079.bic","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00079.bic","url":null,"abstract":"The way in which Slavic names in Bavaria have been transmitted into Old High German has been well researched already, but open questions remain. It is possible to date the loan processes when the names contain sounds with diagnostic value or show datable sound changes, such as the metathesis of liquids or the rounding of Proto-Slavic *a to Common Slavic *o or when Slavic *b is substituted by OHG *v > f. The integration of Slavic names into OHG started before 800 and came to an end around 1100. The way in which Slavic *ě was loaned also might play a role in dating these processes, but the situation remains unclear so far: Mostly it appears as OHG e, ē, but in a few cases there is a resulting sound containing /i/. This sound may have come into existence either by an early integration of Slavic *ě as OHG *ē2 or when a younger Sorbian raising of *ě to some i-diphthong had already taken place.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139182463","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00078.sch
Julia Schlüter, G. Rohdenburg
This contribution supports and extends the principle of end-weight, first formulated by Quirk et al. (1972) to describe the tendency of heavy constituents to appear late in a sentence. Developing this principle further, we argue that it favours the addition of (functionally non-neutral) morphological markers to sentence-final constituents, which are typically characterized by prosodic prominence. The markers we study are undergoing diachronic establishment or loss and are thus temporarily variable. They represent rather diverse categories in different West Germanic languages and varieties (English, Northern Low German, Frisian) and have been gathered from different periods. Examples include inflectional endings of nouns, adjectives, finite verbs and infinitives, pro-form uses of possessives and the adjective other, prepositional choices, the a-prefix and periphrastic doon ‘do’. We suggest that end-weight is scalar, with absolute sentence-final position producing the strongest effects.
{"title":"End-weight at its most dynamic","authors":"Julia Schlüter, G. Rohdenburg","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00078.sch","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00078.sch","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution supports and extends the principle of end-weight, first formulated by Quirk et al. (1972) to describe the tendency of heavy constituents to appear late in a sentence. Developing this principle further, we argue that it favours the addition of (functionally non-neutral) morphological markers to sentence-final constituents, which are typically characterized by prosodic prominence. The markers we study are undergoing diachronic establishment or loss and are thus temporarily variable. They represent rather diverse categories in different West Germanic languages and varieties (English, Northern Low German, Frisian) and have been gathered from different periods. Examples include inflectional endings of nouns, adjectives, finite verbs and infinitives, pro-form uses of possessives and the adjective other, prepositional choices, the a-prefix and periphrastic doon ‘do’. We suggest that end-weight is scalar, with absolute sentence-final position producing the strongest effects.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139182925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1075/nowele.00077.ste
Gjertrud F. Stenbrenden
The present paper examines the history of the digraph 〈oa〉 in English: it is relatively rare in OE and early ME, falls out of use in late ME, and reappears in the late fifteenth century. Different lexemes have been spelt with 〈oa〉 in the different language periods, but in the majority of cases, the vowel so represented is the reflex of early ME /ɔ:/ or OE o in an open syllable; hence, the digraph is clearly phonetically conditioned. The paper also investigates the graphotactic constraints on the orthographic variants 〈oa〉, 〈oCe〉, 〈oe〉.
本文研究了英语中位词〈oa〉的历史：它在外来语和早期英语中相对罕见，在晚期英语中不再使用，在 15 世纪晚期重新出现。在不同的语言时期，有不同的词目用 〈oa〉拼写，但在大多数情况下，这样表示的元音是早期 ME /ɔ:/或开放音节中的 OE o 的反射音；因此，该数字符显然是受语音条件限制的。本文还研究了正字法变体〈oa〉、〈oCe〉、〈oe〉的图式制约因素。
{"title":"The rise and fall and rise of the digraph 〈oa〉 in English","authors":"Gjertrud F. Stenbrenden","doi":"10.1075/nowele.00077.ste","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00077.ste","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper examines the history of the digraph 〈oa〉 in English: it is relatively rare in OE and early ME, falls out of use in late ME, and reappears in the late fifteenth century. Different lexemes have been spelt with 〈oa〉 in the different language periods, but in the majority of cases, the vowel so represented is the reflex of early ME /ɔ:/ or OE o in an open syllable; hence, the digraph is clearly phonetically conditioned. The paper also investigates the graphotactic constraints on the orthographic variants 〈oa〉, 〈oCe〉, 〈oe〉.","PeriodicalId":508604,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139183079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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