Pub Date : 2024-04-23DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-77-101
G. Sui, Danling Tang, Yang Ke, Jialing Zou
The article includes four sections: the historical stages of China’s opening-up, the developmental patterns of China’s opening-up, the open policy of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA), and the bilateral opening-up developments between China and Russia. Starting with elaboration of the primary processes of China’s opening-up since the era of reform and opening-up, summarizing the distinct historical stages of China’s opening-up and the main features of each developmental phase. Subsequently, it analyzes the characteristics of China’s external development in spatial patterns, and selects two typical cases of China’s external development, namely Hainan Free Trade Port and Chongqing, for further analysis. Furthermore, it meticulously reviews the opening initiatives in key sectors of the GBA’s development and its contributions to China’s high-level external openness. Finally, the article briefly introduces the main measures and outcomes of enhancing bilateral openness between China and Russia under the current international circumstances.
{"title":"China’s Opening to the World: Models, Stages, and Directions","authors":"G. Sui, Danling Tang, Yang Ke, Jialing Zou","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-77-101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-77-101","url":null,"abstract":"The article includes four sections: the historical stages of China’s opening-up, the developmental patterns of China’s opening-up, the open policy of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA), and the bilateral opening-up developments between China and Russia. Starting with elaboration of the primary processes of China’s opening-up since the era of reform and opening-up, summarizing the distinct historical stages of China’s opening-up and the main features of each developmental phase. Subsequently, it analyzes the characteristics of China’s external development in spatial patterns, and selects two typical cases of China’s external development, namely Hainan Free Trade Port and Chongqing, for further analysis. Furthermore, it meticulously reviews the opening initiatives in key sectors of the GBA’s development and its contributions to China’s high-level external openness. Finally, the article briefly introduces the main measures and outcomes of enhancing bilateral openness between China and Russia under the current international circumstances.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"63 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140668310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-23DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-8-32
I. V. Kuptsova, N. S. Lashkevich
The article reveals the most relevant direction of the state anti-corruption policy defined by the national anti-corruption plan, which consists in the use of digital and information tools that are united within the framework of state information systems. The first part of the article substantiates the use of these digital tools due to the low efficiency of preventing modern forms of corruption offences using traditional methods of anti-corruption activities. As part of the digital direction of Russia’s modern anti-corruption policy, the Ministry of Labour is charged with the collection of effective regional and federal practices in the use of information systems. The best practices selected by the Ministry were also used in the creation of the state anti-corruption information system Poseidon, which is currently the basic system for all executive authorities. The final part of the article concludes with a study of the organization of the authorities’ anti-corruption work using digital tools.
{"title":"Use of State Information Systems in Anti-Corruption Activities of Executive Authorities","authors":"I. V. Kuptsova, N. S. Lashkevich","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-8-32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-8-32","url":null,"abstract":"The article reveals the most relevant direction of the state anti-corruption policy defined by the national anti-corruption plan, which consists in the use of digital and information tools that are united within the framework of state information systems. The first part of the article substantiates the use of these digital tools due to the low efficiency of preventing modern forms of corruption offences using traditional methods of anti-corruption activities. As part of the digital direction of Russia’s modern anti-corruption policy, the Ministry of Labour is charged with the collection of effective regional and federal practices in the use of information systems. The best practices selected by the Ministry were also used in the creation of the state anti-corruption information system Poseidon, which is currently the basic system for all executive authorities. The final part of the article concludes with a study of the organization of the authorities’ anti-corruption work using digital tools.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140665735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-23DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-102-119
F. O. Trunov
The article tries to explore the importance of the work «Philosophy and sociology of the law» by Bogdan Kistyakovsky for the political science and theory. The article shows the positioning of the intelligentsia in Kyiv as part of Russian Empire, its critical attitude to the ideas of Ukrainophilism. The author stresses the political proximity of Bogdan Kistyakovsky to the political party of constitutional democrats (cadets). In his work Kistyakovsky tried to show the advantages of the rule of law, the possibility of its establishment in the Russia of that time. The article considers the contribution of the «Philosophy and sociology of the law» to the evolution of generalized scientific knowledge, the methods he proposed for improving the humanities and social sciences.
{"title":"Philosophy and Sociology of Law by Bogdan Kistyakovski","authors":"F. O. Trunov","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-102-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-102-119","url":null,"abstract":"The article tries to explore the importance of the work «Philosophy and sociology of the law» by Bogdan Kistyakovsky for the political science and theory. The article shows the positioning of the intelligentsia in Kyiv as part of Russian Empire, its critical attitude to the ideas of Ukrainophilism. The author stresses the political proximity of Bogdan Kistyakovsky to the political party of constitutional democrats (cadets). In his work Kistyakovsky tried to show the advantages of the rule of law, the possibility of its establishment in the Russia of that time. The article considers the contribution of the «Philosophy and sociology of the law» to the evolution of generalized scientific knowledge, the methods he proposed for improving the humanities and social sciences.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"68 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140670834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-23DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-33-57
A. A. Alimov
The article covers theoretical and practical approaches and methods of resolving global socio-environmental (ecological) problem which is considered by the world scientific society to be one of the most complicated, dangerous for all of the human’s community on the Earth and, at the same time, as the most sophisticated to be resolved. Academic publications of Russian and foreign scientists and specialist in this aspect of modern global problems were used and analyzed. Using socio-ecological (socio-environmental) approach, an attempt to propose author’s own understanding of “Ecological (environmental) Diplomacy” was made. The article is provided with documents which were poorly used in scientific literature, as well as special academic books and articles. Important explanations concerning poorly known concepts are also provided.
{"title":"Formation and Realization of Environmental (Ecological) Diplomacy: Possible Ways and Approaches","authors":"A. A. Alimov","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-33-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-33-57","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers theoretical and practical approaches and methods of resolving global socio-environmental (ecological) problem which is considered by the world scientific society to be one of the most complicated, dangerous for all of the human’s community on the Earth and, at the same time, as the most sophisticated to be resolved. Academic publications of Russian and foreign scientists and specialist in this aspect of modern global problems were used and analyzed. Using socio-ecological (socio-environmental) approach, an attempt to propose author’s own understanding of “Ecological (environmental) Diplomacy” was made. The article is provided with documents which were poorly used in scientific literature, as well as special academic books and articles. Important explanations concerning poorly known concepts are also provided.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"84 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140670279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-23DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-58-76
R. R. Sadykov
The sphere of international development assistance (IDA) is undergoing significant changes, primarily due to the economic rise of the countries of the Global South. At the same time, the importance of IDA as an area of interstate cooperation remains high, as evidenced by the priority attention to this area on the part of the UN and other influential international organisations. In this regard, from the standpoint of historical and sociological institutionalism, we have analysed the cause-and-effect relations that condition the current problems of IDA and proposed ways of solving these problems. Using the aforementioned theoretical approaches, the gap between the conceptual and practical development of international aid was identified, including how donors impose the development track and the concept of IDA itself on recipients. It is shown how, including as a result of “institutional layering” in the relevant organisations, the interaction between “new” and “traditional donors” is significantly impeded, and how the latter use historically developed structures to pursue their state interests against the background of objectively falling volumes of aid from their side to the countries in need. It was noted that in order to resolve the identified contradictions, it is necessary to start a discussion in the academic and professional community, based on inclusiveness and respect for cultural diversity, on the individual development trajectory for each society, the tasks of IDA and the forms of appropriate interaction in each case. It is important to encourage openness and independent criticism in order to objectively highlight the benefits to both recipients and donors of engaging in IDA activities. Efforts should continue to develop an integrated approach for more accurate and consistent monitoring that communicates results to the general public.
{"title":"Transforming Global Aid: An Analysis of the Evolution of International Development Assistance Policies and the Optimisation of Strategies During the 2000-2030’s","authors":"R. R. Sadykov","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-58-76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2024-3-1-58-76","url":null,"abstract":"The sphere of international development assistance (IDA) is undergoing significant changes, primarily due to the economic rise of the countries of the Global South. At the same time, the importance of IDA as an area of interstate cooperation remains high, as evidenced by the priority attention to this area on the part of the UN and other influential international organisations. In this regard, from the standpoint of historical and sociological institutionalism, we have analysed the cause-and-effect relations that condition the current problems of IDA and proposed ways of solving these problems. Using the aforementioned theoretical approaches, the gap between the conceptual and practical development of international aid was identified, including how donors impose the development track and the concept of IDA itself on recipients. It is shown how, including as a result of “institutional layering” in the relevant organisations, the interaction between “new” and “traditional donors” is significantly impeded, and how the latter use historically developed structures to pursue their state interests against the background of objectively falling volumes of aid from their side to the countries in need. It was noted that in order to resolve the identified contradictions, it is necessary to start a discussion in the academic and professional community, based on inclusiveness and respect for cultural diversity, on the individual development trajectory for each society, the tasks of IDA and the forms of appropriate interaction in each case. It is important to encourage openness and independent criticism in order to objectively highlight the benefits to both recipients and donors of engaging in IDA activities. Efforts should continue to develop an integrated approach for more accurate and consistent monitoring that communicates results to the general public.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"28 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140671225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-02DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-8-23
E. S. Gromoglasova
The paper analyzes approaches to defining parliamentary and humanitarian venues of diplomatic cooperation. It is shown that institutionalized inter-parliamentary cooperation began to develop in the last quarter of the 19th century, while examples of the influence of parliamentarians on the foreign policy process in their nation-states can be traced back even earlier, at least since the time of the Great French Revolution. It has been revealed that the early forms of parliamentarian influence on foreign policy were based on humanistic arguments and appealed to a sense of humanity. The humanistic orientation of the emerging parliamentary diplomacy in the last third of the 19th century is explained by focusing on factors such as the development of the media and the growing influence of public opinion on the domestic and foreign policies of European nation-states. The similarity of the initial organizational forms of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy illustrates the example of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Both types of diplomatic interaction emerged via multilateral conferences. The final section of the paper is devoted to an analysis of the origins of Russian parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy. It is shown that Russia played an active role in the development of these forms of diplomatic interaction. The paper concludes by arguing that a thorough definition of parliamentary diplomacy is only possible when both the actor and organizational dimensions of parliamentary diplomacy are taken into account. It argues further that the more or less common paths of development of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy result in their thematic affinity. The third conclusion is that the parliamentary methods accepted by diplomatic agents profoundly affected the development of cooperation between nation-states during the 20th century.
{"title":"On Historical Relationship between Parliamentary and Humanitarian Diplomacy","authors":"E. S. Gromoglasova","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-8-23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-8-23","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes approaches to defining parliamentary and humanitarian venues of diplomatic cooperation. It is shown that institutionalized inter-parliamentary cooperation began to develop in the last quarter of the 19th century, while examples of the influence of parliamentarians on the foreign policy process in their nation-states can be traced back even earlier, at least since the time of the Great French Revolution. It has been revealed that the early forms of parliamentarian influence on foreign policy were based on humanistic arguments and appealed to a sense of humanity. The humanistic orientation of the emerging parliamentary diplomacy in the last third of the 19th century is explained by focusing on factors such as the development of the media and the growing influence of public opinion on the domestic and foreign policies of European nation-states. The similarity of the initial organizational forms of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy illustrates the example of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Both types of diplomatic interaction emerged via multilateral conferences. The final section of the paper is devoted to an analysis of the origins of Russian parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy. It is shown that Russia played an active role in the development of these forms of diplomatic interaction. The paper concludes by arguing that a thorough definition of parliamentary diplomacy is only possible when both the actor and organizational dimensions of parliamentary diplomacy are taken into account. It argues further that the more or less common paths of development of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy result in their thematic affinity. The third conclusion is that the parliamentary methods accepted by diplomatic agents profoundly affected the development of cooperation between nation-states during the 20th century.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"120 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139391222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-02DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-37-52
A. A. Posazhennikova, M. M. Lebedeva
With a multicentric world forming and stratification of resource potential taking place, as well as with more small states in Europe and the world and emerging big multinationals here, small states receive more and more researchers’ attention: there appear papers analyzing activities of small states in Europe in the international arena in general and in international negotiations in particular. This article answers the following research question: What strategies and tactics allow small European states to strengthen their positions in negotiations (based on the case of the Benelux countries)? The strategies used by small countries in negotiations to compensate for limited resources is of scientific and practical interest as it can be applied by other states, namely Russia. Theoretically, the study is based on constructivist methodology as negotiation tactics effectively (re)formulate the issue, changing it through the use of a different context and/or lexical units, as well as on structural invariants of activity in negotiations. Discourse analysis and case study are used as research methods. The analysis identified the limitations that small European states, in particular the Benelux countries, face at each stage of international negotiations. The authors conclude that the types of behavior small European states demonstrate in international negotiations can be divided into those (1) aimed at increasing the “weight” of the state (e.g., interaction within international institutions, with NGOs and lobbies, organizing side events, etc.) and (2) focused on influencing the course of negotiations: tactics within the bargaining strategy (coalition-building, bargaining, etc.) and tactics based on persuasion ((re)framing, appealing to one’s own “example”, etc.). For small European countries, namely the Benelux countries, persuasion tactics are most typical, although other tactics are also used.
{"title":"Small States of Europe in International Negotiations (Case of Benelux Countries)","authors":"A. A. Posazhennikova, M. M. Lebedeva","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-37-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-37-52","url":null,"abstract":"With a multicentric world forming and stratification of resource potential taking place, as well as with more small states in Europe and the world and emerging big multinationals here, small states receive more and more researchers’ attention: there appear papers analyzing activities of small states in Europe in the international arena in general and in international negotiations in particular. This article answers the following research question: What strategies and tactics allow small European states to strengthen their positions in negotiations (based on the case of the Benelux countries)? The strategies used by small countries in negotiations to compensate for limited resources is of scientific and practical interest as it can be applied by other states, namely Russia. Theoretically, the study is based on constructivist methodology as negotiation tactics effectively (re)formulate the issue, changing it through the use of a different context and/or lexical units, as well as on structural invariants of activity in negotiations. Discourse analysis and case study are used as research methods. The analysis identified the limitations that small European states, in particular the Benelux countries, face at each stage of international negotiations. The authors conclude that the types of behavior small European states demonstrate in international negotiations can be divided into those (1) aimed at increasing the “weight” of the state (e.g., interaction within international institutions, with NGOs and lobbies, organizing side events, etc.) and (2) focused on influencing the course of negotiations: tactics within the bargaining strategy (coalition-building, bargaining, etc.) and tactics based on persuasion ((re)framing, appealing to one’s own “example”, etc.). For small European countries, namely the Benelux countries, persuasion tactics are most typical, although other tactics are also used.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"83 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139390506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-02DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-53-67
Y. Y. Kolotaev
The article considers the problems of representation of the humanitarian policy achievements of the Russian Federation in contemporary fragmented information space conditions. Modern digital reality imposes multiple structural limitations on the objectives of the state’s humanitarian activities abroad, expressed in the problems of forming the country’s image through online platforms that actively hinder Russian soft power. The article aims to establish basic scenarios of response to the existing limitations in humanitarian policy representation. The methodological basis is scenario analysis with elements of agent-based modeling in describing the activities of digital platforms in the information moderation process. The paper explores the problems of terminological pluralism associated with “humanitarian policy,” as well as ideological and normative constraints imposed on Russian humanitarian activities. In addition, the paper describes the mechanisms of digital interference of online platforms in the information space and models three basic and one additional response scenario to such challenges. The basic scenarios include an alternative information space formation, convergence with the information space of other countries, and restoration of status in the global space. Each scenario has its own reputational and technical costs, partly addressed by the additional scenario based on less widespread but relatively independent information platforms. The main conclusion of this article is the need to develop a balanced approach within the framework of Russian humanitarian and information policy, taking into account the costs of all basic scenarios and relying on the current correlation between technical capabilities and defined objectives
{"title":"Problems and Issues of Humanitarian Policy Representation in the Era of Digital Uncertainty","authors":"Y. Y. Kolotaev","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-53-67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-53-67","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the problems of representation of the humanitarian policy achievements of the Russian Federation in contemporary fragmented information space conditions. Modern digital reality imposes multiple structural limitations on the objectives of the state’s humanitarian activities abroad, expressed in the problems of forming the country’s image through online platforms that actively hinder Russian soft power. The article aims to establish basic scenarios of response to the existing limitations in humanitarian policy representation. The methodological basis is scenario analysis with elements of agent-based modeling in describing the activities of digital platforms in the information moderation process. The paper explores the problems of terminological pluralism associated with “humanitarian policy,” as well as ideological and normative constraints imposed on Russian humanitarian activities. In addition, the paper describes the mechanisms of digital interference of online platforms in the information space and models three basic and one additional response scenario to such challenges. The basic scenarios include an alternative information space formation, convergence with the information space of other countries, and restoration of status in the global space. Each scenario has its own reputational and technical costs, partly addressed by the additional scenario based on less widespread but relatively independent information platforms. The main conclusion of this article is the need to develop a balanced approach within the framework of Russian humanitarian and information policy, taking into account the costs of all basic scenarios and relying on the current correlation between technical capabilities and defined objectives","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"106 40","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139391384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-02DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-24-36
V. A. Dmitrieva
: In August, 2023, six more states joined the BRICS format, many of which, like the five previously cooperating countries, are involved in humanitarian diplomacy. The article aims to identify new trends in the BRICS countries’ humanitarian diplomacy with Latin American countries. AidData databases, press releases, websites of humanitarian agencies and foreign ministries are used to identify trends in the bilateral humanitarian activities of the BRICS countries. In the process of comparing data, the existence of bilateral (in some cases multilateral) projects with Latin American states has been systematized. The bilateral relations of BRICS countries with states excluded from humanitarian ties were also analysed in order to identify possible contradictions. As a result, it is shown that among the BRICS states, all states except South Africa are proactive in Latin America, implementing humanitarian projects with the majority of states in the region. South Africa continues to receive aid from major Latin American countries, but does not engage with the region as a donor. Among the new BRICS participants, three groups of countries are distinguished based on activity of their humanitarian diplomacy in the region: those actively cooperating with Latin American countries, those cooperating with individual states, and states with insufficient resources or insufficient interest in investing in the region. The BRICS countries that are actively involved in humanitarian ties with the region have room to develop multilateral cooperation in the humanitarian sphere.
{"title":"Prospects for Humanitarian Diplomacy of the BRICS Countries in Latin America after the Expansion of the Group","authors":"V. A. Dmitrieva","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-24-36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-24-36","url":null,"abstract":": In August, 2023, six more states joined the BRICS format, many of which, like the five previously cooperating countries, are involved in humanitarian diplomacy. The article aims to identify new trends in the BRICS countries’ humanitarian diplomacy with Latin American countries. AidData databases, press releases, websites of humanitarian agencies and foreign ministries are used to identify trends in the bilateral humanitarian activities of the BRICS countries. In the process of comparing data, the existence of bilateral (in some cases multilateral) projects with Latin American states has been systematized. The bilateral relations of BRICS countries with states excluded from humanitarian ties were also analysed in order to identify possible contradictions. As a result, it is shown that among the BRICS states, all states except South Africa are proactive in Latin America, implementing humanitarian projects with the majority of states in the region. South Africa continues to receive aid from major Latin American countries, but does not engage with the region as a donor. Among the new BRICS participants, three groups of countries are distinguished based on activity of their humanitarian diplomacy in the region: those actively cooperating with Latin American countries, those cooperating with individual states, and states with insufficient resources or insufficient interest in investing in the region. The BRICS countries that are actively involved in humanitarian ties with the region have room to develop multilateral cooperation in the humanitarian sphere.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"119 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139390872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-02DOI: 10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-68-80
Bhagyadhar Sethy, Malini Prava Sethi
The article analyzes the declining outbound tourism from Russia in 2022 and 2023 and its effects on the states which introduced sanctions. First it reviews the data on the inbound and outbound tourism, then studies the impact of COVID-19 and sanctions on the tourism industry, the consequences of tourism decline on related industries and services including aviation, food, and accommodation. Finally, the article considers alternative destination places for Russian tourists including the expansion of internal tourism and policies favoring it to replace outbound destinations.
{"title":"Travel Industry After COVID-19 and Sanctions","authors":"Bhagyadhar Sethy, Malini Prava Sethi","doi":"10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-68-80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-4-68-80","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the declining outbound tourism from Russia in 2022 and 2023 and its effects on the states which introduced sanctions. First it reviews the data on the inbound and outbound tourism, then studies the impact of COVID-19 and sanctions on the tourism industry, the consequences of tourism decline on related industries and services including aviation, food, and accommodation. Finally, the article considers alternative destination places for Russian tourists including the expansion of internal tourism and policies favoring it to replace outbound destinations.","PeriodicalId":512791,"journal":{"name":"Governance and Politics","volume":"113 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139390947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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