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Doing the Same With Different Results: Variations in EU Presidencies of Austria, Finland, Slovakia and Czechia 做同样的事,结果却不同:奥地利、芬兰、斯洛伐克和捷克担任欧盟轮值主席国期间的变化
Pub Date : 2024-07-14 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13646
Kateřina Kočí, Jarolím Antal
Holding the presidency in the Council of the EU can be a powerful tool of influence for a member state. Despite its centrality in EU decision‐making, there is a gap in a systematic analysis of the performance of the presiding country, especially considering the external (input) factors that impact the successful implementation of the EU presidency. This article attempts to understand how the EU presidency can be conceptualized and what factors can influence its success. The analysis dwells on findings from current scholarly research as well as on data from four selected EU presidencies (Austrian, Finnish, Slovakian and Czech). It argues that the success of a presidency may be interpreted as apparent, but in reality, its extent and nature vary. It (the presidency) is a result of various factors that directly become part of the preparations and affect the execution of the presidency's activities.
担任欧盟理事会主席国可以成为一个成员国施加影响的有力工具。尽管欧盟轮值主席国在欧盟决策中占据核心地位,但对轮值主席国的表现进行系统分析,尤其是考虑影响欧盟轮值主席国成功履行职责的外部(输入)因素,仍是一个空白。本文试图了解欧盟轮值主席国的概念以及影响其成功的因素。文章分析了当前学术研究的结果以及四个选定的欧盟轮值主席国(奥地利、芬兰、斯洛伐克和捷克)的数据。分析认为,主席国的成功可以被解释为表面上的,但实际上,其程度和性质各不相同。它(主席任期)是各种因素的结果,这些因素直接成为筹备工作的一部分,并影响主席活动的执行。
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引用次数: 0
Non‐learning Within a Constellation of Communities of Practice: The Case of the EU and Its Democracy Support in the Arab World 在实践社区组合中不学习:欧盟及其在阿拉伯世界的民主支持案例
Pub Date : 2024-05-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13629
Christian Achrainer, Michelle Pace
This article addresses the puzzle of why the European Union (EU) struggles to learn from ineffective attempts to support democratization in the Arab world but instead continuously (re‐)produces democracy support malpractices. To better understand this phenomenon, we draw from practice theory and conceptualize EU democracy support as practices performed by a community of insiders who act within a complex constellation of communities of practice. Due to the way in which communities function, decision‐makers do not critically reflect on the background knowledge on which they base their practices and thus do not learn how to improve them. This constellation model offers a unique take on non‐learning within the EU and in (policy‐making) groups more generally. We illustrate the proposed conceptual framework through an empirical analysis of EU democracy support in Egypt, showing that the EU performs practices similar to those before the 2011 Revolution due to its inability to learn.
本文探讨了欧盟(EU)为何不努力从支持阿拉伯世界民主化的无效尝试中吸取经验教训,反而不断(重新)制造民主支持弊端的难题。为了更好地理解这一现象,我们借鉴了实践理论,将欧盟的民主支持概念化为由在复杂的实践社区中行动的内部人士社区所实施的实践。由于社区的运作方式,决策者不会对其实践所依据的背景知识进行批判性反思,因此也不会学习如何改进这些实践。这个星座模型为欧盟内部以及更广泛的(决策)群体中的非学习现象提供了一个独特的视角。我们通过对欧盟在埃及的民主支持进行实证分析来说明所提出的概念框架,结果表明,由于欧盟无法学习,其做法与 2011 年革命前的做法相似。
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引用次数: 0
Norm Contestation in EU Foreign Policy: The Case of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights 欧盟外交政策中的规范争议:性与生殖健康和权利案例
Pub Date : 2024-05-15 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13622
Diego Badell
The EU considers gender equality fundamental to its identity, with Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) playing a crucial role. This article delves into the contested aspects of EU foreign policy concerning SRHR from 1997 to 2021. Through document analysis and 18 semi‐structured interviews, it discerns three phases of contestation. Between 1997 and 2017, contestation was institutionalised within the EU, and the norm was reinforced. However, from 2017 to 2020, validity contestation arose as Hungary, Poland and the United States formed an alliance opposing SRHR, resulting in their symbolic exclusion from the EU's normative community. In 2021, within a less polarised international context (with the United States returning to consensus on SRHR), Hungary and Poland reaffirmed their commitment to the EU's SRHR consensus, highlighting the resilience of the norm.
欧盟认为性别平等是其身份的根本,而性健康和生殖健康及权利(SRHR)则发挥着至关重要的作用。本文深入探讨了 1997 年至 2021 年欧盟外交政策中有关性与生殖健康和权利的有争议的方面。通过文件分析和 18 个半结构式访谈,文章发现了三个争议阶段。在 1997 年至 2017 年期间,欧盟内部将争议制度化,规范得到加强。然而,从 2017 年到 2020 年,匈牙利、波兰和美国结成联盟,反对性健康和生殖健康及权利,导致它们被象征性地排除在欧盟的规范社区之外,从而引发了有效性的争议。2021 年,在两极分化较少的国际背景下(美国重新就性健康和生殖健康及权利达成共识),匈牙利和波兰重申其对欧盟性健康和生殖健康及权利共识的承诺,突出了该规范的复原力。
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引用次数: 0
When EU Agencies Set Up Advisory Committees: All About Autonomy? 当欧盟机构成立咨询委员会时:一切为了自治?
Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13618
Torbjørg Jevnaker
European Union (EU) agencies' relations with interest groups have received scarce research attention despite their relevance to bureaucratic autonomy and functioning. Such relations may be organised via advisory committees, which are durable organisational structures for regularised contact between an agency and those societal actors given membership by the agency. Advisory committees may be imposed by the legislator to control an agency or harnessed by the latter to build autonomy. The EU legislator leaves significant discretion to EU agencies regarding advisory committees. However, EU agencies' late emergence in already densely populated regulatory fields begs the question of whether the use of agency discretion is fully autonomous. A case in point is the Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER), whose establishment and design of three European Stakeholder Committees are examined here. Advisory committees were needed by, but also imposed on, ACER, reflecting agency preferences to improve task performance as much as prior institutionalisation within the organisational field. Hence, factors beyond legal requirements can constrain agency discretion on how to organise the organisation of agency–interest group relations.
欧盟(EU)机构与利益集团的关系尽管与官僚机构的自主性和运作息息相关,但却很少受到研究关注。这种关系可以通过咨询委员会来组织,咨询委员会是一个机构与那些被该机构赋予成员资格的社会行动者之间定期接触的持久组织结构。咨询委员会可以由立法者强加以控制一个机构,也可以由后者利用以建立自主权。欧盟立法者在咨询委员会方面给欧盟机构留有很大的自由裁量权。然而,欧盟机构在人口已经十分密集的监管领域中出现较晚,这就提出了一个问题,即机构自由裁量权的使用是否完全自主。能源监管者合作机构(ACER)就是一个很好的例子,本文将对该机构建立和设计的三个欧洲利益相关者委员会进行研究。咨询委员会是 ACER 所需要的,但也是强加给 ACER 的,这反映了机构在改善任务绩效方面的偏好,以及在组织领域内的事先制度化。因此,在如何组织机构与利益集团的关系方面,法律要求之外的因素可能会限制机构的自由裁量权。
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引用次数: 0
The Tools of External Migration Policy in the EU Member States: The Case of Italy 欧盟成员国对外移民政策的工具:意大利案例
Pub Date : 2024-02-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13581
Iole Fontana, Matilde Rosina
This article focuses on the external dimension of migration policy (EXMIPO) in the EU member states (MSs), through a policy tool approach. It offers an analytical framework for conceptualizing MS EXMIPO, by (1) unpacking its tools and (2) understanding their relationship with EU‐level migration governance, as based on competition, convergence and complementarity. Empirically, it examines the case of Italy, building on an original dataset spanning over 30 years and 125 instruments. Through the Italian case, this article demonstrates that MSs have developed an intense external action at the bilateral level in the field of migration, which has expanded quantitatively and qualitatively, alongside (and despite) EU initiatives.
本文通过政策工具方法,重点探讨欧盟成员国(MSs)移民政策的外部层面(EXMIPO)。文章提供了一个分析框架,通过(1) 解读其工具,(2) 理解其与欧盟层面移民治理的关系,并将其建立在竞争、趋同和互补的基础上,从而对欧盟成员国的外部移民政策进行概念化。在实证方面,文章以意大利为例,利用 30 多年的原始数据集和 125 种工具进行了研究。通过意大利的案例,本文证明了会员国在移民领域开展了双边层面的密集对外行动,这些行动在数量和质量上都与欧盟的举措并驾齐驱。
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引用次数: 0
A Capacity‐Based Approach for Assessing Changes in Responsibility Sharing in the EU: Comparing the Syrian and Ukrainian Refugee Crises 基于能力的方法评估欧盟责任分担的变化:比较叙利亚和乌克兰难民危机
Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13586
M. Hierro, Adolfo Maza
This study explores whether the European Union's (EU's) response to the large‐scale refugee displacement from Ukraine in 2022 has led to a more equitable sharing of responsibilities amongst member states with regard to the Syrian refugee crisis. To do so, responsibility sharing is assessed by comparing actual and capacity‐based refugee shares for each country, drawing the definition of the latter from an improved version of the European Commission's distribution key. Our analysis reveals that whilst disparities in actual refugee shares between countries are somewhat smaller in the current emergency humanitarian situation compared with the Syrian crisis, such disparities almost double when countries' reception capacities are incorporated as a benchmark. Thus, the study reveals a kind of paradox: greater disparities in responsibility sharing in a context of high solidarity amongst countries for the reception of refugees.
本研究探讨了欧盟(EU)对2022年来自乌克兰的大规模难民流离失所问题的应对措施是否使各成员国更公平地分担了对叙利亚难民危机的责任。为此,我们通过比较每个国家的实际难民份额和基于能力的难民份额来评估责任分担情况。我们的分析表明,与叙利亚危机相比,在当前的紧急人道主义局势中,各国实际难民份额的差距较小,但如果将各国的接收能力作为基准,这种差距几乎会翻倍。因此,本研究揭示了一种悖论:在各国高度团结接收难民的情况下,责任分担的差距却更大。
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引用次数: 0
Coming In: Sexual Politics and EU Accession in Serbia, KoenSlootmaeckers (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2023, ISBN 9781526159342); xiii + 234 pp. Coming In:塞尔维亚的性政治与加入欧盟》,KoenSlootmaeckers(英国曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2023 年,ISBN 9781526159342);xiii + 234 页。
Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13582
Bojan Bilić
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引用次数: 0
期刊
JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies
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