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The 'new' Customary Land Tenure in Zambia: Implications for Women's Land Rights and Livelihoods 赞比亚的 "新 "习惯土地保有权:对妇女土地权利和生计的影响
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916803
Phillan Zamchiya, Chilombo Musa
ABSTRACT:This paper argues that the formalisation of customary land through a rural certification programme in Nyimba District, Zambia, has triggered the establishment of a new tenure regime that transcends the dualism between western legal forms of private property and idealised customary systems. Within this agrarian transition, the number of social conflicts over land boundaries have fallen, at least in the short term; women's perceptions of tenure security have improved, and women's participation in land administration at the local level has increased. In addition, a significant number of married women have registered residential land and farmland in their own names. However, the transition has also produced a number of negative impacts. Multiple land claims by women have been dismissed and men have continued to dominate power relations in the district. Certification has not necessarily led to greater access to credit, improved agricultural productivity, or a rise in investment. Informal land markets have become more expensive with certification producing a veneer of legitimacy for buying and selling customary land even though such transactions remain, strictly speaking, illegal. On the other hand, agrarian support has been skewed to the benefit of wealthier, better-connected, and dominant women with land-holding certificates and to the detriment of less-powerful women. Accordingly, many of the envisaged benefits of formalisation through an evolutionary approach to land tenure rights have not been realised. The argument developed in this paper is based on original field data obtained through quantitative household surveys, indepth interviews and focus group discussions.
ABSTRACT:This paper considers that the formalisation of customary land through a rural certification programme in Nyimba District, Zambia, has triggered the establishment of a new tenure regime that transcend the dualism between western legal forms of private property and idealised customary systems.本文认为,通过在赞比亚宁巴区实施农村认证计划,使传统土地正规化,从而建立了一种新的土地使用权制度,超越了西方私有财产法律形式与理想化传统制度之间的二元对立。在这一农业转型过程中,至少在短期内,因土地边界引发的社会冲突有所减少;妇女对土地权保障的看法有所改善,妇女在地方一级参与土地管理的程度有所提高。此外,大量已婚妇女以自己的名字登记了住宅用地和农田。然而,转型也产生了一些负面影响。妇女提出的多项土地要求被驳回,男性继续主导着该地区的权力关系。认证并不一定能带来更多的信贷、农业生产率的提高或投资的增加。由于认证为买卖传统土地披上了合法的外衣,非正规土地市场变得更加昂贵,尽管严格来说,此类交易仍然是非法的。另一方面,对农业的支持向更富裕、人脉更广、拥有土地持有证书的妇女倾斜,这不利于权力较小的妇女。因此,通过对土地保有权采取渐进式方法来实现正规化的许多预期惠益并未实现。本文的论点基于通过定量家庭调查、深入访谈和焦点小组讨论获得的原始实地数据。
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引用次数: 1
'Other people are left to live like normal': White victimhood on lockdown 其他人只能像正常人一样生活":被封锁的白人受害者
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916800
Nicky Falkof
ABSTRACT:This article considers narratives of white victimhood and entitlement that emerged on social media during South Africa's first 'hard' lockdown in April 2020, in the initial stages of the coronavirus pandemic. While some commenters and citizens were initially supportive of the lockdown, the tone among sectors of white society soon changed to one of anger and paranoia as media texts began to circulate suggesting that lockdown regulations and policing disproportionately targeted white people. White enterprise, sociality and leisure were seen to be unfairly constrained, in an iteration of familiar narratives of 'reverse racism'. The article examines instances of claimed white victimhood expressed in online videos and petitions, centred on the temporary banning of beach sports, surfing and dog-walking, leisure practices that manifest what Mark Hunter calls 'white tone'. It shows how white exceptionalism persisted within one of the most dramatic global health crises of the past century.
ABSTRACT:This article considers narratives of white victimhood and entitlement that emerged on social media during South Africa's first 'hard' lockdown in April 2020, in the initial stages of the coronavirus pandemic.虽然一些评论者和市民最初对封锁表示支持,但随着媒体文章开始流传,白人社会各阶层的基调很快转变为愤怒和偏执,认为封锁条例和治安措施不成比例地针对白人。白人的事业、社交和休闲受到了不公平的限制,这与我们熟悉的 "逆向种族主义 "的说法如出一辙。文章研究了网络视频和请愿书中声称的白人受害者的事例,这些事例集中在海滩运动、冲浪和遛狗的临时禁令上,这些休闲方式体现了马克-亨特(Mark Hunter)所说的 "白人基调"。它展示了白人例外论是如何在上个世纪最引人注目的全球健康危机中持续存在的。
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引用次数: 0
Whites and Democracy in South Africa by Roger Southall (review) 南非的白人与民主》,作者 Roger Southall(评论)
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916805
Daniella Rafaely
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引用次数: 0
Tennis, Apartheid and Social Justice: The First Non-Racial International Tennis Tour, 1971 by Saleem Badat (review) 网球、种族隔离与社会正义:Saleem Badat 著的《1971 年首次非种族国际网球巡回赛》(评论)
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916806
G. Vahed
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引用次数: 0
Citizen and Pariah: Somali Traders and the Regulation of Difference in South Africa by Vanya Gastrow (review) 公民与贱民:Vanya Gastrow 著的《索马里商人与南非的差异管理》(评论)
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916804
Mamokete Modiba
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引用次数: 0
Fighting and writing during Zimbabwe's interregna: Part I–A morbid murder 津巴布韦地区间战争期间的战斗与写作:第一部分--病态谋杀
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916801
David Moore
ABSTRACT:This article started out as a review essay reflecting on how three books (Kanyenze 2022; Mpofu 2021; and Fontein 2022) illustrate Zimbabwe's interregna influence on the scholarly pursuits of economics, political philosophy, and anthropology in that country. But a murder got in the way. Its interpretation by those representing Zimbabwe's two political poles as either an assassination or quotidian horror inspired further investigation within the ambit of the 'morbid symptoms' of the interregna only subtly suggested by the academic books ready for review. The brutal killing of a single mother in Zimbabwe's biggest township became indelibly imbued with political competition and thus provided what I had planned to be an illustrative introduction to the review article. However, Moreblessing Ali's death soon became more than that: my pursuit of the discursive conflict– and physical violence around it–became a micro-political example in itself of Zimbabwe's macabre interregna. That the case had not been officially resolved as the August 2023 election approached indicated its importance. The election took place as these words were heading to press. Yet another suspect victory, this time of 52.6% for ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa as president and 44% for Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change, was announced on August 26 (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 2023). Thus, the Moreblessing Ali murder has become a good proportion of Part I of a two-part series. The start of this paper presents a thumbnail outline of Zimbabwe's current political and economic situation–a conjuncture of sorts. Theoretical arguments on 'interregna' follow. The last section pursues the ideologies and politics of Moreblessing Ali's political death. Part II will include the review article, further theoretical considerations of Zimbabwe's interregna, and how August's election fits in with these discussions.
ABSTRACT: 本文最初是一篇评论文章,反映了三本书(Kanyenze 2022 年;Mpofu 2021 年;Fontein 2022 年)如何说明津巴布韦对该国经济学、政治哲学和人类学学术追求的跨区域影响。但一桩谋杀案阻碍了这一进程。代表津巴布韦政治两极的人士将这起谋杀案解释为暗杀或普通的恐怖事件,这激发了人们在区域间 "病态症状 "的范围内进行进一步的调查,而这些病态症状只是在准备审查的学术书籍中微妙地提出来的。在津巴布韦最大的乡镇,一位单身母亲惨遭杀害的事件与政治竞争有着不可分割的联系,因此我原计划将其作为评论文章的引言。然而,莫雷布赖辛-阿里之死很快就变得不仅如此:我对话语冲突和围绕话语冲突的身体暴力的追踪,本身就成为津巴布韦可怕的地区间政治的一个微观例子。随着 2023 年 8 月选举的临近,此案仍未得到正式解决,这表明了它的重要性。就在这些文字即将付梓之时,选举举行了。8 月 26 日,选举结果揭晓,津巴布韦非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线(ZANU-PF)的埃默森-姆南加古瓦(Emmerson Mnangagwa)以 52.6% 的胜率当选总统,公民变革联盟(Citizens Coalition for Change)的纳尔逊-查米萨(Nelson Chamisa)以 44% 的胜率当选(津巴布韦选举委员会,2023 年)。因此,莫雷布赖辛-阿里谋杀案在两部分系列文章的第一部分中占据了相当大的比重。本文的开头简要介绍了津巴布韦当前的政治和经济形势--某种程度上说是一个转折点。随后是关于 "interregna "的理论论证。最后一部分探讨了莫雷布赖辛-阿里政治死亡的意识形态和政治。第二部分将包括评论文章、对津巴布韦 "interregna "的进一步理论思考,以及八月份的选举与这些讨论的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The making of Trotskyist tradition in South Africa: A reading of 'The Spark', 1935–1937 南非托派传统的形成:1935-1937年《火花报》解读
Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916802
C. Soudien
ABSTRACT:The purpose of this contribution, towards understanding the contribution of the early years of Trotskyism in South Africa, is to distil the major analytic themes that developed in the political organ of the Workers Party of South Africa, The Spark. It looks critically at the first three years of The Spark to establish how the WPSA was positioning itself relative to the unfolding class struggle in South Africa. In asking what theoretical and conceptual starting points around the questions of race and class emerge out of this corpus of writing it seeks to show that the early Trotskyists were, in their vocabularies and theoretical frames, little different to their political opponents in the Communist Party of South Africa. Through The Spark they showed, however, that there was in the question of race something distinct about South African capitalism. They began but did not complete this explanation in their attempts to explain how segregation worked.
ABSTRACT: 本文旨在了解托洛茨基主义早年在南非的贡献,提炼南非工人党的政治机关刊物《星火》中形成的主要分析主题。它以批判的眼光审视了《星火》的前三年,以确定南非工人党是如何根据南非正在展开的阶级斗争对自身进行定位的。在询问这本著作围绕种族和阶级问题提出了哪些理论和概念出发点时,它试图表明早期托洛茨基主义者在词汇和理论框架上与他们在南非共产党内的政治对手没有什么不同。然而,他们通过《火花》表明,南非资本主义在种族问题上存在着与众不同之处。他们在试图解释种族隔离是如何运作的过程中开始了这一解释,但并未完成。
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引用次数: 0
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Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa
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