Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916803
Phillan Zamchiya, Chilombo Musa
ABSTRACT:This paper argues that the formalisation of customary land through a rural certification programme in Nyimba District, Zambia, has triggered the establishment of a new tenure regime that transcends the dualism between western legal forms of private property and idealised customary systems. Within this agrarian transition, the number of social conflicts over land boundaries have fallen, at least in the short term; women's perceptions of tenure security have improved, and women's participation in land administration at the local level has increased. In addition, a significant number of married women have registered residential land and farmland in their own names. However, the transition has also produced a number of negative impacts. Multiple land claims by women have been dismissed and men have continued to dominate power relations in the district. Certification has not necessarily led to greater access to credit, improved agricultural productivity, or a rise in investment. Informal land markets have become more expensive with certification producing a veneer of legitimacy for buying and selling customary land even though such transactions remain, strictly speaking, illegal. On the other hand, agrarian support has been skewed to the benefit of wealthier, better-connected, and dominant women with land-holding certificates and to the detriment of less-powerful women. Accordingly, many of the envisaged benefits of formalisation through an evolutionary approach to land tenure rights have not been realised. The argument developed in this paper is based on original field data obtained through quantitative household surveys, indepth interviews and focus group discussions.
ABSTRACT:This paper considers that the formalisation of customary land through a rural certification programme in Nyimba District, Zambia, has triggered the establishment of a new tenure regime that transcend the dualism between western legal forms of private property and idealised customary systems.本文认为,通过在赞比亚宁巴区实施农村认证计划,使传统土地正规化,从而建立了一种新的土地使用权制度,超越了西方私有财产法律形式与理想化传统制度之间的二元对立。在这一农业转型过程中,至少在短期内,因土地边界引发的社会冲突有所减少;妇女对土地权保障的看法有所改善,妇女在地方一级参与土地管理的程度有所提高。此外,大量已婚妇女以自己的名字登记了住宅用地和农田。然而,转型也产生了一些负面影响。妇女提出的多项土地要求被驳回,男性继续主导着该地区的权力关系。认证并不一定能带来更多的信贷、农业生产率的提高或投资的增加。由于认证为买卖传统土地披上了合法的外衣,非正规土地市场变得更加昂贵,尽管严格来说,此类交易仍然是非法的。另一方面,对农业的支持向更富裕、人脉更广、拥有土地持有证书的妇女倾斜,这不利于权力较小的妇女。因此,通过对土地保有权采取渐进式方法来实现正规化的许多预期惠益并未实现。本文的论点基于通过定量家庭调查、深入访谈和焦点小组讨论获得的原始实地数据。
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Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916800
Nicky Falkof
ABSTRACT:This article considers narratives of white victimhood and entitlement that emerged on social media during South Africa's first 'hard' lockdown in April 2020, in the initial stages of the coronavirus pandemic. While some commenters and citizens were initially supportive of the lockdown, the tone among sectors of white society soon changed to one of anger and paranoia as media texts began to circulate suggesting that lockdown regulations and policing disproportionately targeted white people. White enterprise, sociality and leisure were seen to be unfairly constrained, in an iteration of familiar narratives of 'reverse racism'. The article examines instances of claimed white victimhood expressed in online videos and petitions, centred on the temporary banning of beach sports, surfing and dog-walking, leisure practices that manifest what Mark Hunter calls 'white tone'. It shows how white exceptionalism persisted within one of the most dramatic global health crises of the past century.
ABSTRACT:This article considers narratives of white victimhood and entitlement that emerged on social media during South Africa's first 'hard' lockdown in April 2020, in the initial stages of the coronavirus pandemic.虽然一些评论者和市民最初对封锁表示支持,但随着媒体文章开始流传,白人社会各阶层的基调很快转变为愤怒和偏执,认为封锁条例和治安措施不成比例地针对白人。白人的事业、社交和休闲受到了不公平的限制,这与我们熟悉的 "逆向种族主义 "的说法如出一辙。文章研究了网络视频和请愿书中声称的白人受害者的事例,这些事例集中在海滩运动、冲浪和遛狗的临时禁令上,这些休闲方式体现了马克-亨特(Mark Hunter)所说的 "白人基调"。它展示了白人例外论是如何在上个世纪最引人注目的全球健康危机中持续存在的。
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Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916805
Daniella Rafaely
{"title":"Whites and Democracy in South Africa by Roger Southall (review)","authors":"Daniella Rafaely","doi":"10.1353/trn.2023.a916805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/trn.2023.a916805","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":516734,"journal":{"name":"Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa","volume":"30 2","pages":"116 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140513544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916806
G. Vahed
{"title":"Tennis, Apartheid and Social Justice: The First Non-Racial International Tennis Tour, 1971 by Saleem Badat (review)","authors":"G. Vahed","doi":"10.1353/trn.2023.a916806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/trn.2023.a916806","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":516734,"journal":{"name":"Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa","volume":"89 6","pages":"122 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139640525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916804
Mamokete Modiba
{"title":"Citizen and Pariah: Somali Traders and the Regulation of Difference in South Africa by Vanya Gastrow (review)","authors":"Mamokete Modiba","doi":"10.1353/trn.2023.a916804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/trn.2023.a916804","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":516734,"journal":{"name":"Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa","volume":"73 2","pages":"108 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140513797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916801
David Moore
ABSTRACT:This article started out as a review essay reflecting on how three books (Kanyenze 2022; Mpofu 2021; and Fontein 2022) illustrate Zimbabwe's interregna influence on the scholarly pursuits of economics, political philosophy, and anthropology in that country. But a murder got in the way. Its interpretation by those representing Zimbabwe's two political poles as either an assassination or quotidian horror inspired further investigation within the ambit of the 'morbid symptoms' of the interregna only subtly suggested by the academic books ready for review. The brutal killing of a single mother in Zimbabwe's biggest township became indelibly imbued with political competition and thus provided what I had planned to be an illustrative introduction to the review article. However, Moreblessing Ali's death soon became more than that: my pursuit of the discursive conflict– and physical violence around it–became a micro-political example in itself of Zimbabwe's macabre interregna. That the case had not been officially resolved as the August 2023 election approached indicated its importance. The election took place as these words were heading to press. Yet another suspect victory, this time of 52.6% for ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa as president and 44% for Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change, was announced on August 26 (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 2023). Thus, the Moreblessing Ali murder has become a good proportion of Part I of a two-part series. The start of this paper presents a thumbnail outline of Zimbabwe's current political and economic situation–a conjuncture of sorts. Theoretical arguments on 'interregna' follow. The last section pursues the ideologies and politics of Moreblessing Ali's political death. Part II will include the review article, further theoretical considerations of Zimbabwe's interregna, and how August's election fits in with these discussions.
{"title":"Fighting and writing during Zimbabwe's interregna: Part I–A morbid murder","authors":"David Moore","doi":"10.1353/trn.2023.a916801","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/trn.2023.a916801","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This article started out as a review essay reflecting on how three books (Kanyenze 2022; Mpofu 2021; and Fontein 2022) illustrate Zimbabwe's interregna influence on the scholarly pursuits of economics, political philosophy, and anthropology in that country. But a murder got in the way. Its interpretation by those representing Zimbabwe's two political poles as either an assassination or quotidian horror inspired further investigation within the ambit of the 'morbid symptoms' of the interregna only subtly suggested by the academic books ready for review. The brutal killing of a single mother in Zimbabwe's biggest township became indelibly imbued with political competition and thus provided what I had planned to be an illustrative introduction to the review article. However, Moreblessing Ali's death soon became more than that: my pursuit of the discursive conflict– and physical violence around it–became a micro-political example in itself of Zimbabwe's macabre interregna. That the case had not been officially resolved as the August 2023 election approached indicated its importance. The election took place as these words were heading to press. Yet another suspect victory, this time of 52.6% for ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa as president and 44% for Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change, was announced on August 26 (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 2023). Thus, the Moreblessing Ali murder has become a good proportion of Part I of a two-part series. The start of this paper presents a thumbnail outline of Zimbabwe's current political and economic situation–a conjuncture of sorts. Theoretical arguments on 'interregna' follow. The last section pursues the ideologies and politics of Moreblessing Ali's political death. Part II will include the review article, further theoretical considerations of Zimbabwe's interregna, and how August's election fits in with these discussions.","PeriodicalId":516734,"journal":{"name":"Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa","volume":"61 3","pages":"29 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140513329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-05DOI: 10.1353/trn.2023.a916802
C. Soudien
ABSTRACT:The purpose of this contribution, towards understanding the contribution of the early years of Trotskyism in South Africa, is to distil the major analytic themes that developed in the political organ of the Workers Party of South Africa, The Spark. It looks critically at the first three years of The Spark to establish how the WPSA was positioning itself relative to the unfolding class struggle in South Africa. In asking what theoretical and conceptual starting points around the questions of race and class emerge out of this corpus of writing it seeks to show that the early Trotskyists were, in their vocabularies and theoretical frames, little different to their political opponents in the Communist Party of South Africa. Through The Spark they showed, however, that there was in the question of race something distinct about South African capitalism. They began but did not complete this explanation in their attempts to explain how segregation worked.
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