Pub Date : 2013-01-14DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_2.x
Hubert Schmitz, Dau Anh Tuan, Pham Thi Thu Hang, Neil McCulloch
Vietnam keeps surprising the world with the speed and depth of its economic transformation. This research report suggests that the decentralisation of certain economic powers from central to provincial government has contributed to this success. Allowing provinces to find their own way forward was central to Vietnam's progress in institutional and economic development. Decentralisation brought about a number of inefficiencies, but these are outweighed by the gains resulting from policy experimentation at the provincial level.
The main question of the report is who drives the economic reform process in the provinces, exploring the role of business and government and alliances between the two. This is a difficult undertaking because it involves dipping into sensitive issues of state-business relations and because there are enormous variations between provinces and over time. Key to the feasibility of this project was the collaboration of IDS with the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VCCI). VCCI is an influential organisation with strong connections to business, government and the Communist Party. These connections are essential for access to political and business leaders and for understanding the economic reform process from private and public perspectives.
Provincial government is by necessity involved in the economic reform process, but who is actually driving it? The research shows that in those provinces which are making most progress in economic reform, the private sector played an important role. Not against government but with government. There was no formal public-private coalition but the dynamic was one of proactive government seeking the input from the private sector, and the latter lobbying for and contributing to responsive and effective government. Both national and foreign enterprises played a role but small enterprises tended to be marginalised from the process. Some of the best insights come from comparing provinces and observing how different alignments of interest influenced the reform process.
{"title":"Who Drives Economic Reform in Vietnam's Provinces?","authors":"Hubert Schmitz, Dau Anh Tuan, Pham Thi Thu Hang, Neil McCulloch","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_2.x","DOIUrl":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_2.x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Vietnam keeps surprising the world with the speed and depth of its economic transformation. This research report suggests that the decentralisation of certain economic powers from central to provincial government has contributed to this success. Allowing provinces to find their own way forward was central to Vietnam's progress in institutional and economic development. Decentralisation brought about a number of inefficiencies, but these are outweighed by the gains resulting from policy experimentation at the provincial level.</p><p>The main question of the report is who drives the economic reform process in the provinces, exploring the role of business and government and alliances between the two. This is a difficult undertaking because it involves dipping into sensitive issues of state-business relations and because there are enormous variations between provinces and over time. Key to the feasibility of this project was the collaboration of IDS with the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VCCI). VCCI is an influential organisation with strong connections to business, government and the Communist Party. These connections are essential for access to political and business leaders and for understanding the economic reform process from private and public perspectives.</p><p>Provincial government is by necessity involved in the economic reform process, but who is actually driving it? The research shows that in those provinces which are making most progress in economic reform, the private sector played an important role. Not against government but with government. There was no formal public-private coalition but the dynamic was one of proactive government seeking the input from the private sector, and the latter lobbying for and contributing to responsive and effective government. Both national and foreign enterprises played a role but small enterprises tended to be marginalised from the process. Some of the best insights come from comparing provinces and observing how different alignments of interest influenced the reform process.</p>","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 76","pages":"01-89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_2.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"108475955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-14DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_2.x
Kalilou Sidibé
The three principle and intertwining security threats in the North of Mali are trafficking (drugs, arms, cigarettes, cars, etc.), rebellious uprisings and terrorist activity. Any attempts at maintaining law and order are undermined by the fragility of state structures, and the lack of equipment and infrastructure for the armed forces. These threats also weaken the socioeconomic fabric of local communities and Malian national and territorial unity.
The Malian government endeavours to address these challenges by adopting and implementing security and anti-terrorism policies, as well as social and economic development programmes. External partners support the Malian government in its efforts through a variety of joint anti-terrorism and development policies aiming to strengthen the state's operational capacity in the region. Furthermore, local communities work alongside state actors in the development and securitisation of Northern Mali by employing traditional conflict-management mechanisms (intercommunity and interclan solidarity systems). This strategy builds strong links that considerably reduce the risk of open conflict and contributes to the establishment of a multilevel shared governance system.
{"title":"Security Management in Northern Mali: Criminal Networks and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms","authors":"Kalilou Sidibé","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_2.x","DOIUrl":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_2.x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The three principle and intertwining security threats in the North of Mali are trafficking (drugs, arms, cigarettes, cars, etc.), rebellious uprisings and terrorist activity. Any attempts at maintaining law and order are undermined by the fragility of state structures, and the lack of equipment and infrastructure for the armed forces. These threats also weaken the socioeconomic fabric of local communities and Malian national and territorial unity.</p><p>The Malian government endeavours to address these challenges by adopting and implementing security and anti-terrorism policies, as well as social and economic development programmes. External partners support the Malian government in its efforts through a variety of joint anti-terrorism and development policies aiming to strengthen the state's operational capacity in the region. Furthermore, local communities work alongside state actors in the development and securitisation of Northern Mali by employing traditional conflict-management mechanisms (intercommunity and interclan solidarity systems). This strategy builds strong links that considerably reduce the risk of open conflict and contributes to the establishment of a multilevel shared governance system.</p>","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 77","pages":"1-103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_2.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76822675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-14DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_1.x
{"title":"IDS Research Report Research Summary 77: Security Management in Northern Mali: Criminal Networks and Conflict Resolution Mechanisms","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_1.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_1.x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 77","pages":"i-ii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00077_1.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137837308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-14DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_1.x
{"title":"IDS Research Report Research Summary 76: Who Drives Economic Reform in Vietnam's Provinces?","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_1.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_1.x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 76","pages":"i-ii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00076_1.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137522812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00075_2.x
James B.M. Vincent
In Sierra Leone, as in most of Africa, states have not only a direct relationship with their citizens as individuals but also a mediated one through rural governance systems that usually pre-date colonialism and may have greater legitimacy than the central state itself. And these local governance structures generally persisted through the country's collapse and civil war more successfully than the central state did. This report therefore offers a ‘bottom-up’ review of the post-war reconstruction of the Sierra Leone state.
I have conducted research on these and related questions throughout the country since 1996. For the present study I have supplemented this experience with a qualitative data set based on my own unstructured interviews during 2010–11 in 38 communities in 28 chiefdoms in eight of the 12 districts in the three rural provinces of the country.
The impact of the civil war on human security and governance in the rural areas was devastating. Random killings, maiming and rape were widespread; food production as well as formal health and education services collapsed; and local chiefs and other representatives of the state were assassinated when they could be identified by the rebels.
Despite (or perhaps because of) the devastating impact of the war on human security, rural communities remained intact. The pre-war (traditional) leadership structures continued informally to provide whatever degree of governance response was possible. In the chiefdoms I visited, a third of the chiefs remained with their people (even if in hiding) throughout even the most difficult part of the civil war, and most of the rest fled only briefly. During the war chiefs made a major change to include youth and women in their governance practices and this more participatory approach to governance has persisted. Although a large number of chiefs died during the war period, their positions were easily refilled afterward.
During the war most communities in the South and East created local Civil Defence Forces (CDF) to defend themselves. Chiefs retained at least some degree of direction over 71 per cent of the CDF forces in the areas I visited, with the consequence that only a third of these CDFs gave trouble to their communities. Because of the abuses that did occur, however, CDF leaders were not able to challenge chiefs for community leadership after the war. In only 19 per cent of our study communities was there any challenge to the return of the traditional chiefs at the end of the war.
Despite the restoration of chieftaincy and its general popularity, there are three signs that the government was concerned about its lack of broad responsiveness before the war. First, elected district councils have been brought back. Second, chiefs also have to share their revenues with the Councils, which both find a major problem and source of tension. Third, the Native Adm
{"title":"A Village-Up View of Sierra Leone's Civil War and Reconstruction: Multilayered and Networked Governance","authors":"James B.M. Vincent","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00075_2.x","DOIUrl":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00075_2.x","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>In Sierra Leone, as in most of Africa, states have not only a direct relationship with their citizens as individuals but also a mediated one through rural governance systems that usually pre-date colonialism and may have greater legitimacy than the central state itself. And these local governance structures generally persisted through the country's collapse and civil war more successfully than the central state did. This report therefore offers a ‘bottom-up’ review of the post-war reconstruction of the Sierra Leone state.</p>\u0000 <p>I have conducted research on these and related questions throughout the country since 1996. For the present study I have supplemented this experience with a qualitative data set based on my own unstructured interviews during 2010–11 in 38 communities in 28 chiefdoms in eight of the 12 districts in the three rural provinces of the country.</p>\u0000 <p>The impact of the civil war on human security and governance in the rural areas was devastating. Random killings, maiming and rape were widespread; food production as well as formal health and education services collapsed; and local chiefs and other representatives of the state were assassinated when they could be identified by the rebels.</p>\u0000 <p>Despite (or perhaps because of) the devastating impact of the war on human security, rural communities remained intact. The pre-war (traditional) leadership structures continued informally to provide whatever degree of governance response was possible. In the chiefdoms I visited, a third of the chiefs remained with their people (even if in hiding) throughout even the most difficult part of the civil war, and most of the rest fled only briefly. During the war chiefs made a major change to include youth and women in their governance practices and this more participatory approach to governance has persisted. Although a large number of chiefs died during the war period, their positions were easily refilled afterward.</p>\u0000 <p>During the war most communities in the South and East created local Civil Defence Forces (CDF) to defend themselves. Chiefs retained at least some degree of direction over 71 per cent of the CDF forces in the areas I visited, with the consequence that only a third of these CDFs gave trouble to their communities. Because of the abuses that did occur, however, CDF leaders were not able to challenge chiefs for community leadership after the war. In only 19 per cent of our study communities was there any challenge to the return of the traditional chiefs at the end of the war.</p>\u0000 <p>Despite the restoration of chieftaincy and its general popularity, there are three signs that the government was concerned about its lack of broad responsiveness before the war. First, elected district councils have been brought back. Second, chiefs also have to share their revenues with the Councils, which both find a major problem and source of tension. Third, the Native Adm","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 75","pages":"1-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00075_2.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75622554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2011.00069_1.x
{"title":"IDS Research Report Research Summary 69: Lessons from Social Protection Programme Implementation in Kenya, Zambia and Mongolia","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2011.00069_1.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2011.00069_1.x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2011 69","pages":"i-ii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2011.00069_1.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137722765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_1.x
{"title":"IDS Research Report Research Summary 73: Shifts in Innovation Power to Brazil and India: Insights from the Auto and Software Industries","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_1.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_1.x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 73","pages":"i-ii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_1.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137722766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_1.x
{"title":"IDS Research Report Research Summary 74: Insecurity and Local Governance in Congo's South Kivu","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_1.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_1.x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 74","pages":"i-ii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_1.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137722767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_2.x
Ferdinand Mugumo Mushi
South Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced recurrent wars for more than 15 years. This Research Report explores the way local systems of governance and networking in South Kivu have been affected by the civil war and the ways in which local communities have tried to cope with chaos and the absence of the state.
Most community groups in South Kivu consider that violence and conflict were imposed on them and dissociate themselves, as communities, from violence, this being the work of some organised groups which should not be confused with the communities themselves. The fundamental causes of the wars lie in the ways in which Rwanda and Burundi, to different degrees, involved themselves with these other actors.
The report also explores the role of various local organisations and groups in conflict and post-conflict governance. Governance does not completely disappear when the state collapses. Its structures remain hidden and in retreat, but ready to sprout into existence again. This is especially true for the structures of local and rural governance, and the networks of the church.
South Kivu remains volatile and filled with suspicion. The behaviour of many groups is determined by fear of another cycle of war. When some communities can draw on external backing, the extension of such networks establishes another dimension of distrust.
A post-conflict state has need of decentralisation. Multi-layered, networked governance is a reality and is much less of a threat to viable states than might be imagined. However, when the state is incapable of assuring the security of its own population against external threats, when its own protective services engage in arbitrary activities and live off the people, and when impunity goes unchecked, it is difficult for social mechanisms and local institutions alone to substitute for the lack of a functioning state.
{"title":"Insecurity and Local Governance in Congo's South Kivu","authors":"Ferdinand Mugumo Mushi","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_2.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_2.x","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>South Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced recurrent wars for more than 15 years. This Research Report explores the way local systems of governance and networking in South Kivu have been affected by the civil war and the ways in which local communities have tried to cope with chaos and the absence of the state.</p>\u0000 <p>Most community groups in South Kivu consider that violence and conflict were imposed on them and dissociate themselves, as communities, from violence, this being the work of some organised groups which should not be confused with the communities themselves. The fundamental causes of the wars lie in the ways in which Rwanda and Burundi, to different degrees, involved themselves with these other actors.</p>\u0000 <p>The report also explores the role of various local organisations and groups in conflict and post-conflict governance. Governance does not completely disappear when the state collapses. Its structures remain hidden and in retreat, but ready to sprout into existence again. This is especially true for the structures of local and rural governance, and the networks of the church.</p>\u0000 <p>South Kivu remains volatile and filled with suspicion. The behaviour of many groups is determined by fear of another cycle of war. When some communities can draw on external backing, the extension of such networks establishes another dimension of distrust.</p>\u0000 <p>A post-conflict state has need of decentralisation. Multi-layered, networked governance is a reality and is much less of a threat to viable states than might be imagined. However, when the state is incapable of assuring the security of its own population against external threats, when its own protective services engage in arbitrary activities and live off the people, and when impunity goes unchecked, it is difficult for social mechanisms and local institutions alone to substitute for the lack of a functioning state.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 74","pages":"1-43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00074_2.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137722768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-29DOI: 10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_2.x
Rasmus Lema, Ruy Quadros, Hubert Schmitz
The global innovation map is changing. Until a few years ago innovation activities were concentrated in the US, Europe and Japan. Not anymore. The rising powers of China, India and Brazil are encroaching on the innovation stronghold of the old powers. This report explores how deep the change goes and how we can explain it. Most of the literature explains this shift in innovation power by concentrating on factors within the rising powers, such as their investment in high-level education, their low labour cost, their big and expanding internal markets and others. This report concentrates on explanatory factors that emanate from the old powers, notably the organisational decomposition of the innovation process (ODIP). The empirical focus is on the global value chains that link Brazilian auto and Indian software suppliers with lead firms in the US and Europe. The report shows that subsidiaries and independent suppliers in Brazil and India were involved in advanced innovation capabilities: they engaged not only in ‘applied’ development, but also in ‘systemic’ development of products and services. In other words, the build-up of innovation capabilities goes further than is generally recognised. Most of the report is then concerned with unravelling the processes through which this occurs, showing that ODIP emanating from US and European lead firms has knock-on effects within Brazil and India. The research also distinguishes between different types of ODIP showing that the biggest organisational and geographical changes occur when innovation and production activities are tightly integrated. The resulting build-up of innovation capability is only partially visible in conventional R&D indicators. The causal connection between ODIP in the old powers and increase of innovation capabilities in the new powers is not one way. The accumulation of innovation capabilities in the new powers increases the possibilities for further rounds of ODIP in the old powers.
{"title":"Shifts in Innovation Power to Brazil and India: Insights from the Auto and Software Industries","authors":"Rasmus Lema, Ruy Quadros, Hubert Schmitz","doi":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_2.x","DOIUrl":"10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_2.x","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The global innovation map is changing. Until a few years ago innovation activities were concentrated in the US, Europe and Japan. Not anymore. The rising powers of China, India and Brazil are encroaching on the innovation stronghold of the old powers. This report explores how deep the change goes and how we can explain it. Most of the literature explains this shift in innovation power by concentrating on factors within the rising powers, such as their investment in high-level education, their low labour cost, their big and expanding internal markets and others. This report concentrates on explanatory factors that emanate from the old powers, notably the organisational decomposition of the innovation process (ODIP). The empirical focus is on the global value chains that link Brazilian auto and Indian software suppliers with lead firms in the US and Europe. The report shows that subsidiaries and independent suppliers in Brazil and India were involved in advanced innovation capabilities: they engaged not only in ‘applied’ development, but also in ‘systemic’ development of products and services. In other words, the build-up of innovation capabilities goes further than is generally recognised. Most of the report is then concerned with unravelling the processes through which this occurs, showing that ODIP emanating from US and European lead firms has knock-on effects within Brazil and India. The research also distinguishes between different types of ODIP showing that the biggest organisational and geographical changes occur when innovation and production activities are tightly integrated. The resulting build-up of innovation capability is only partially visible in conventional R&D indicators. The causal connection between ODIP in the old powers and increase of innovation capabilities in the new powers is not one way. The accumulation of innovation capabilities in the new powers increases the possibilities for further rounds of ODIP in the old powers.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":100617,"journal":{"name":"IDS Research Reports","volume":"2012 73","pages":"1-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1111/j.2040-0217.2012.00073_2.x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89261038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号