Quaternary Environments and Humans最新文献

Vegetation history during the last 28,000 years in Tamba Highland, Kyoto, Japan based on multi-analyses of sediment from the Jaga-ike mire 基于对jaga - like泥沼沉积物的多重分析，日本京都坦巴高地过去28000年的植被历史

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2026-01-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2026.100095

Hikaru Takahara , Tomoko Manabe , Naoko Sasaki , Ayaka Watanabe

Sediment cores obtained from the Jaga-ike mire, located in the inland mountainous area of the Kinki region in western Japan, date back to 28,000 cal BP. The vegetation history around the Jaga-ike mire since the Last Glacial period was reconstructed using multiproxy analyses (pollen, macrofossils, and charcoal). From 28,000 to 20,000 cal BP, forests were dominated by pinaceous conifers such as Abies, Tsuga, Picea, and Pinus as well as Betula trees. The genus Picea included Picea jezoensis var. hondoensis based on macrofossil analysis. Pinaceous conifer forests were most developed between 26,000 and 20,000 cal BP. Between 20,000 and 15,000 cal BP, the population of deciduous broad-leaved trees gradually increased. During the Late Glacial period, from 15,000 to 12,000 cal BP, broad-leaved forests mainly comprising Fagus crenata, deciduous Quercus, and Carpinus/Ostrya species developed. Between 10,000 and 7000 cal BP, forests dominated by Castanea crenata expanded likely in response to frequent fire events. During this period, the forests included Carpinus, Fagus japonica, Q. subgen. Lepidobalanus, and Cryptomeria japonica. Immediately after 7000 cal BP, Quercus dentata, which is tolerant to fire, temporarily increased in deciduous forests in relation to severe fire events. Between 7000 and 6000 cal BP, Cryptomeria japonica mixed with deciduous broad-leaved trees such as Carpinus/Ostrya and Q. subgen. Lepidobalanus. After 6000 cal BP, C. japonica formed forests together with cool temperate deciduous broad-leaved forests such as F. crenata and warm temperate evergreen broad-leaved forests mainly composed of evergreen Quercus formed adjacent to them. The vegetation records at the Jaga-ike mire show intermediate characteristics between the development of C. japonica on the Sea of Japan side caused by the Tsushima Warm Current and the development of evergreen broad-leaved forests on the Pacific side influenced by the Kuroshio Warm Current.

在日本西部近畿地区内陆山区的jaga - like泥潭中获得的沉积物岩心可追溯到28,000 cal BP。采用多代理分析（花粉、大型化石和木炭）重建了末次冰期以来jaga -样泥沼周围的植被历史。从28,000到20,000 cal BP，森林主要是冷杉、杉木、云杉、松以及桦树等松类针叶树。云杉属包括云杉（Picea jezoensis var. hondoensis）。松树针叶林在26,000至20,000 cal BP之间最为发达。在20,000 ~ 15,000 cal BP之间，落叶阔叶树的种群逐渐增加。在15000 ~ 12000 cal BP的晚冰期，形成了以油毡、落叶栎和石竹林为主的阔叶林。在10000到7000 cal BP之间，以核桃为主导的森林可能是为了应对频繁的火灾事件而扩张的。在这一时期，森林包括Carpinus， Fagus japonica， Q. subgen。鳞翅目，和柳杉。在7000 cal BP之后，耐火的齿栎（Quercus dentata）在落叶林中的数量暂时增加，与严重的火灾事件有关。在7000 - 6000 cal BP之间，柳杉与落叶阔叶树如Carpinus/Ostrya和Q. subgen混居。Lepidobalanus。6000 cal BP以后，日本杉树与毗邻的冷温带落叶阔叶林（如F. creata）和以常绿栎树为主的暖温带常绿阔叶林形成了森林。Jaga-ike泥沼的植被记录表现出介于对马暖流影响下的日本海一侧的C. japonica发育和黑潮暖流影响下的太平洋一侧的常绿阔叶林发育之间的中间特征。

{"title":"Vegetation history during the last 28,000 years in Tamba Highland, Kyoto, Japan based on multi-analyses of sediment from the Jaga-ike mire","authors":"Hikaru Takahara , Tomoko Manabe , Naoko Sasaki , Ayaka Watanabe","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2026.100095","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2026.100095","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Sediment cores obtained from the Jaga-ike mire, located in the inland mountainous area of the Kinki region in western Japan, date back to 28,000 cal BP. The vegetation history around the Jaga-ike mire since the Last Glacial period was reconstructed using multiproxy analyses (pollen, macrofossils, and charcoal). From 28,000 to 20,000 cal BP, forests were dominated by pinaceous conifers such as <em>Abies, Tsuga, Picea</em>, and <em>Pinus</em> as well as <em>Betula</em> trees. The genus <em>Picea</em> included <em>Picea jezoensis</em> var. <em>hondoensis</em> based on macrofossil analysis. Pinaceous conifer forests were most developed between 26,000 and 20,000 cal BP. Between 20,000 and 15,000 cal BP, the population of deciduous broad-leaved trees gradually increased. During the Late Glacial period, from 15,000 to 12,000 cal BP, broad-leaved forests mainly comprising <em>Fagus crenata</em>, deciduous <em>Quercus,</em> and <em>Carpinus/Ostrya</em> species developed. Between 10,000 and 7000 cal BP, forests dominated by <em>Castanea crenata</em> expanded likely in response to frequent fire events. During this period, the forests included <em>Carpinus, Fagus japonica, Q.</em> subgen. <em>Lepidobalanus, and Cryptomeria japonica</em>. Immediately after 7000 cal BP, <em>Quercus dentata,</em> which is tolerant to fire, temporarily increased in deciduous forests in relation to severe fire events. Between 7000 and 6000 cal BP, <em>Cryptomeria japonica</em> mixed with deciduous broad-leaved trees such as <em>Carpinus/Ostrya</em> and <em>Q</em>. subgen. <em>Lepidobalanus</em>. After 6000 cal BP, <em>C. japonica</em> formed forests together with cool temperate deciduous broad-leaved forests such as <em>F. crenata</em> and warm temperate evergreen broad-leaved forests mainly composed of evergreen <em>Quercus</em> formed adjacent to them. The vegetation records at the Jaga-ike mire show intermediate characteristics between the development of <em>C. japonica</em> on the Sea of Japan side caused by the Tsushima Warm Current and the development of evergreen broad-leaved forests on the Pacific side influenced by the Kuroshio Warm Current.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"4 1","pages":"Article 100095"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2026-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145948040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Gender inequality in Ancient Rome through archaeometric studies of wine in funerary contexts 通过对丧葬酒的考古研究，古罗马的性别不平等

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100094

José Rafael Ruiz Arrebola

This article examines how the archaeometric and archaeological analysis of funerary assemblages in Roman tombs reveals gender inequality in Ancient Rome. Through modern scientific methodologies based on techniques coupled with mass spectrometry, differentiated patterns in funerary offerings according to the sex of the deceased are identified. The role of wine is analyzed as a symbolic marker of male power, linking its production, consumption, and representation to gender and the patriarchal structures of Roman society. Through the study of literary sources, archaeological evidence, and chemical analyses, it is demonstrated that wine was not merely an economic or ritual good, but a socially codified and widespread expression of power. Emphasis is placed on the discovery of liquid wine in a Roman mausoleum unearthed in Carmona (Spain), dated to the first half of the 1st century CE, and its exclusive association with male remains, which reinforces the symbolic dimension of wine as a masculine attribute, even in death. The article combines arqueometry, funerary archaeology, written sources, and gender studies, demonstrating how gender inequalities were reproduced even in mortuary practices.

本文探讨了罗马墓葬的考古和考古分析如何揭示古罗马的性别不平等。通过以质谱技术为基础的现代科学方法，根据死者的性别确定了殡葬产品的不同模式。葡萄酒的作用被分析为男性权力的象征性标志，将其生产、消费和表现与罗马社会的性别和父权结构联系起来。通过对文献资料、考古证据和化学分析的研究，可以证明，葡萄酒不仅仅是一种经济或仪式上的商品，而是一种社会编纂的、广泛的权力表达。重点是在卡莫纳（西班牙）出土的罗马陵墓中发现的液体葡萄酒，可追溯到公元1世纪上半叶，以及它与男性遗骸的独家联系，这加强了葡萄酒作为男性属性的象征意义，即使在死亡中也是如此。这篇文章结合了测火学、丧葬考古学、书面资料和性别研究，展示了性别不平等是如何在殡葬实践中再现的。

{"title":"Gender inequality in Ancient Rome through archaeometric studies of wine in funerary contexts","authors":"José Rafael Ruiz Arrebola","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100094","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100094","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This article examines how the archaeometric and archaeological analysis of funerary assemblages in Roman tombs reveals gender inequality in Ancient Rome. Through modern scientific methodologies based on techniques coupled with mass spectrometry, differentiated patterns in funerary offerings according to the sex of the deceased are identified. The role of wine is analyzed as a symbolic marker of male power, linking its production, consumption, and representation to gender and the patriarchal structures of Roman society. Through the study of literary sources, archaeological evidence, and chemical analyses, it is demonstrated that wine was not merely an economic or ritual good, but a socially codified and widespread expression of power. Emphasis is placed on the discovery of liquid wine in a Roman mausoleum unearthed in Carmona (Spain), dated to the first half of the 1st century CE, and its exclusive association with male remains, which reinforces the symbolic dimension of wine as a masculine attribute, even in death. The article combines arqueometry, funerary archaeology, written sources, and gender studies, demonstrating how gender inequalities were reproduced even in mortuary practices.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100094"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145617969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Episodic settlement and mound formation context at Cubalel and Siwré sites, Middle Senegal River 塞内加尔河中部Cubalel和siwr<e:2>遗址的阶段性聚落和土丘形成背景

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-11-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100093

David K. Wright , Roderick J. McIntosh , Susan Keech McIntosh

Recent analysis of sediments recovered in 1991 at the sites of Cubalel and Siwré in the Middle Senegal River Valley have revealed new insights into the context of mound formation beginning ca. 1900 cal BP. In this study, we utilized stable isotopes (

δ

¹³C,

δ

¹⁵N) from Soil Organic Matter (SOM) and applied a Bayesian deposition model to radiocarbon dates to understand differences in the duration and nature of settlement between the two sites compared to nearby sterile levee deposits. The median calibrated radiocarbon ages dating the aggradation of sediments associated with Phase IB pottery at Siwré 2S occurs between ca. 1650 and 1490 cal BP in a generally stepwise fashion. However, previously identified Phase IIIA ceramic-bearing occupation at the Cubalel C1 mound occurs between ca. 1400 and 1370 cal BP within stratigraphically separated, but temporally indistinguishable contexts applying a Bayesian framework. The results indicate earlier phases of settlement at Siwré were longer in duration than the later occupations at Cubalel, yet isotopic indicators of vegetation cover remain relatively constant with a mix of C₃ and C₄ vegetation as the source of the SOM. Increases in

δ

¹⁵N from mound sediments at Cubalel C1 are interpreted as reflecting an increasing reliance on animal husbandry and sedentism, which is also indicated in the archaeological record. The data provide deep understandings of past pastoral systems combined with ecological data, which can be built upon in future studies.

最近对1991年在塞内加尔河谷中部的Cubalel和siwr遗址发现的沉积物的分析，揭示了大约1900年 cal BP开始的土丘形成背景的新见解。在这项研究中，我们利用土壤有机质（SOM）的稳定同位素（δ13C, δ15N），并将贝叶斯沉积模型应用于放射性碳测年，以了解与附近无菌堤防沉积物相比，两个地点之间沉降持续时间和性质的差异。siwr 2S地区与IB期陶器有关的沉积物沉积的校准放射性碳年龄的中位数大致在1650至1490 cal BP之间，大致呈阶梯状。然而，先前在Cubalel C1丘发现的IIIA期陶瓷活动发生在约1400至1370 cal BP之间，在地层上是分开的，但应用贝叶斯框架在时间上是不可区分的。结果表明，siwr的早期定居阶段比Cubalel的后期占领阶段持续时间更长，但植被覆盖的同位素指标保持相对稳定，C3和C4植被混合作为SOM的来源。Cubalel C1丘状沉积物δ15N的增加被解释为反映了对畜牧业和定居主义的日益依赖，这也在考古记录中得到了证实。这些数据结合生态数据提供了对过去牧区系统的深刻理解，可以在未来的研究中建立起来。

{"title":"Episodic settlement and mound formation context at Cubalel and Siwré sites, Middle Senegal River","authors":"David K. Wright , Roderick J. McIntosh , Susan Keech McIntosh","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100093","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100093","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Recent analysis of sediments recovered in 1991 at the sites of Cubalel and Siwré in the Middle Senegal River Valley have revealed new insights into the context of mound formation beginning ca. 1900 cal BP. In this study, we utilized stable isotopes (<span><math><mi>δ</mi></math></span><sup>13</sup>C, <span><math><mi>δ</mi></math></span><sup>15</sup>N) from Soil Organic Matter (SOM) and applied a Bayesian deposition model to radiocarbon dates to understand differences in the duration and nature of settlement between the two sites compared to nearby sterile levee deposits. The median calibrated radiocarbon ages dating the aggradation of sediments associated with Phase IB pottery at Siwré 2S occurs between ca. 1650 and 1490 cal BP in a generally stepwise fashion. However, previously identified Phase IIIA ceramic-bearing occupation at the Cubalel C1 mound occurs between ca. 1400 and 1370 cal BP within stratigraphically separated, but temporally indistinguishable contexts applying a Bayesian framework. The results indicate earlier phases of settlement at Siwré were longer in duration than the later occupations at Cubalel, yet isotopic indicators of vegetation cover remain relatively constant with a mix of C<sub>3</sub> and C<sub>4</sub> vegetation as the source of the SOM. Increases in <span><math><mi>δ</mi></math></span><sup>15</sup>N from mound sediments at Cubalel C1 are interpreted as reflecting an increasing reliance on animal husbandry and sedentism, which is also indicated in the archaeological record. The data provide deep understandings of past pastoral systems combined with ecological data, which can be built upon in future studies.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100093"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145520723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Cultural responses to the 8.2 ka climatic event in North China: Insights from the Jiahu archaeological site 华北8.2 ka气候事件的文化响应：来自贾湖考古遗址的启示

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-11-06 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100092

Yunchen Tan , Junzo Uchiyama , Jesper Sjolte , Peter D. Jordan

While the 8.2 ka abrupt cooling event is increasingly recognised as a major Holocene climatic anomaly, archaeological discussions of its cultural consequences have often been framed in terms of societal distress, including the collapse and abandonment of settlements. However, prehistoric communities must have responded in more diverse ways. This paper investigates the site-based socio-ecological adaptations at the Jiahu settlement in North China, which persisted throughout the entire 8.2 ka climatic downturn, offering insights into how some prehistoric settlements may have exhibited resilience in the face of abrupt environmental change. Drawing on the Baseline Resilience Indicator for Communities (BRIC) model, we integrate environmental and archaeological data to assess key resilience indicators within this prehistoric cultural sequence. Our results indicate that while many settlements across northern China suffered decline or complete abandonment during this interval, Jiahu offers an alternative response scenario, where systemic flexibility supported longer-term adaptation, enabling the local community to survive, endure and even evolve new strategies. Moreover, the abrupt environmental stress may also have displaced regional populations into similar kinds of more resilient environmental locales, generating population “packing”, increased inter-group exchange, and the localized innovation of new adaptive strategies. We argue that local social-ecological systems, buffered by robust natural and cultural resources, may have experienced the 8.2 ka downturn in terms of a catalyst that produced a cascade of wider social and behavioural adjustments. Our tentative conclusions underline the need to move beyond simplistic narratives of cultural decline driven by the sudden onset of harsh environmental conditions, and instead to examine the complex, varied and contingent ways in which prehistoric societies responded to abrupt environmental downturns.

虽然8.2 ka突然变冷事件越来越被认为是一个主要的全新世气候异常，但其文化后果的考古讨论往往被框定在社会困境方面，包括定居点的崩溃和放弃。然而，史前社区的反应方式肯定更加多样化。本文研究了华北地区贾湖聚落在整个8.2 ka气候衰退期间持续存在的基于遗址的社会生态适应，为揭示一些史前聚落在面对环境突变时如何表现出复原力提供了见解。根据社区基线复原力指标（BRIC）模型，我们整合了环境和考古数据，以评估这一史前文化序列中的关键复原力指标。我们的研究结果表明，虽然中国北方的许多聚落在这段时间内遭受了衰退或完全放弃，但贾湖提供了另一种应对方案，其中系统灵活性支持长期适应，使当地社区能够生存、忍受甚至进化出新的战略。此外，突然的环境压力也可能使区域人口迁移到类似的更有弹性的环境地点，产生人口“包装”，增加群体间的交流，以及新的适应策略的本地化创新。我们认为，在强大的自然和文化资源的缓冲下，当地的社会生态系统可能经历了8.2 ka的衰退，这是一种催化剂，产生了一系列更广泛的社会和行为调整。我们的初步结论强调，有必要超越由突然出现的恶劣环境条件驱动的文化衰落的简单叙述，而是研究史前社会对突然出现的环境衰退作出反应的复杂、多样和偶然的方式。

{"title":"Cultural responses to the 8.2 ka climatic event in North China: Insights from the Jiahu archaeological site","authors":"Yunchen Tan , Junzo Uchiyama , Jesper Sjolte , Peter D. Jordan","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100092","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100092","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>While the 8.2 ka abrupt cooling event is increasingly recognised as a major Holocene climatic anomaly, archaeological discussions of its cultural consequences have often been framed in terms of societal distress, including the collapse and abandonment of settlements. However, prehistoric communities must have responded in more diverse ways. This paper investigates the site-based socio-ecological adaptations at the Jiahu settlement in North China, which persisted throughout the entire 8.2 ka climatic downturn, offering insights into how some prehistoric settlements may have exhibited resilience in the face of abrupt environmental change. Drawing on the Baseline Resilience Indicator for Communities (BRIC) model, we integrate environmental and archaeological data to assess key resilience indicators within this prehistoric cultural sequence. Our results indicate that while many settlements across northern China suffered decline or complete abandonment during this interval, Jiahu offers an alternative response scenario, where systemic flexibility supported longer-term adaptation, enabling the local community to survive, endure and even evolve new strategies. Moreover, the abrupt environmental stress may also have displaced regional populations into similar kinds of more resilient environmental locales, generating population “packing”, increased inter-group exchange, and the localized innovation of new adaptive strategies. We argue that local social-ecological systems, buffered by robust natural and cultural resources, may have experienced the 8.2 ka downturn in terms of a catalyst that produced a cascade of wider social and behavioural adjustments. Our tentative conclusions underline the need to move beyond simplistic narratives of cultural decline driven by the sudden onset of harsh environmental conditions, and instead to examine the complex, varied and contingent ways in which prehistoric societies responded to abrupt environmental downturns.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100092"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145519998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

What is that building doing there on Via Borgo Vico? New archaeological perspectives on the Iron Age occupation of the Como (Northern Italy) lakeshores 那栋楼怎么会在博尔戈维科大街上？铁器时代科莫（意大利北部）湖岸占领的新考古观点

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100091

E. Martinelli , B. Grassi , F. Livio , M.F. Ferrario , M. Redaelli , A.M. Michetti

The city of Como (Lombardia, Northern Italy) is in a plain at the interface between Lake Como and mountain slopes. The most widely accepted narrative states that all the pre-Roman settlements were located on the hills surrounding the Como plain, that was marshy and uninhabited. The present-day downtown lies in the plain. New archaeological remains of a large and complex building dating back to the V cent. BC (Golasecca Culture – Iron Age) were discovered in the “Borgo Vico” site, located in the western suburb of Como. We analysed the new archaeological remains and re-enterpreted the available archaeological, stratigraphic, geomorphological data and historical cartography, to reconstruct the configuration of the Iron Age settlement, and the changes of the lake shoreline position between the Late Glacial and Iron Age/Roman Age. During these periods, the suburb was a strategic obligatory passage between Northern Italy and Central Europe, comprising a fundamental commercial and cultural route. In this context, the large structures could be interpreted as representative buildings. The Late Glacial coastline gradually advanced toward the lake during the Holocene, after repeated alluvial events and anthropogenic landfilling. Geomorphological and stratigraphic evidence and an ancient map suggest the existence of an inlet during the Iron Age/Roman Age, potentially serving as a protected anchorage for merchants or fishing boats. Our findings indicate a more extensive and developed human presence during the Iron Age in the Como area than previously assumed.

科莫市（伦巴第，意大利北部）位于科莫湖和山坡交界的平原上。最广为接受的说法是，罗马之前的所有定居点都位于科莫平原周围的山丘上，那里是沼泽，无人居住。今天的市中心位于平原上。在位于科莫西郊的“Borgo Vico”遗址发现了一座大型复杂建筑的新考古遗迹，其历史可以追溯到公元前5世纪（Golasecca文化-铁器时代）。我们分析了新的考古遗迹，并重新利用现有的考古、地层、地貌数据和历史制图，重建了铁器时代聚落的形态，以及晚冰期与铁器时代/罗马时代之间湖泊岸线位置的变化。在这些时期，郊区是意大利北部和中欧之间的战略必经之路，包括一条基本的商业和文化路线。在这种情况下，大型结构可以被解释为具有代表性的建筑。经过反复的冲积事件和人为填埋，晚冰期海岸线在全新世期间逐渐向湖泊推进。地貌学和地层学证据以及一幅古代地图表明，在铁器时代/罗马时代存在一个入口，可能作为商人或渔船的受保护的锚地。我们的研究结果表明，在铁器时代，科莫地区的人类存在比以前假设的要广泛和发达。

{"title":"What is that building doing there on Via Borgo Vico? New archaeological perspectives on the Iron Age occupation of the Como (Northern Italy) lakeshores","authors":"E. Martinelli , B. Grassi , F. Livio , M.F. Ferrario , M. Redaelli , A.M. Michetti","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100091","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100091","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>The city of Como (Lombardia, Northern Italy) is in a plain at the interface between Lake Como and mountain slopes. The most widely accepted narrative states that all the pre-Roman settlements were located on the hills surrounding the Como plain, that was marshy and uninhabited. The present-day downtown lies in the plain. New archaeological remains of a large and complex building dating back to the V cent. BC (Golasecca Culture – Iron Age) were discovered in the “Borgo Vico” site, located in the western suburb of Como. We analysed the new archaeological remains and re-enterpreted the available archaeological, stratigraphic, geomorphological data and historical cartography, to reconstruct the configuration of the Iron Age settlement, and the changes of the lake shoreline position between the Late Glacial and Iron Age/Roman Age. During these periods, the suburb was a strategic obligatory passage between Northern Italy and Central Europe, comprising a fundamental commercial and cultural route. In this context, the large structures could be interpreted as representative buildings. The Late Glacial coastline gradually advanced toward the lake during the Holocene, after repeated alluvial events and anthropogenic landfilling. Geomorphological and stratigraphic evidence and an ancient map suggest the existence of an inlet during the Iron Age/Roman Age, potentially serving as a protected anchorage for merchants or fishing boats. Our findings indicate a more extensive and developed human presence during the Iron Age in the Como area than previously assumed.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100091"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145466982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Bioarchaeological and Palynological Studies of Graves from Samshvilde: Diachronic Case for Preliminary Reconstruction of Environment, Human Diet, Diseases and Remedies Samshvilde墓地的生物考古和孢粉学研究：环境、人类饮食、疾病和治疗的初步重建历时性案例

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-10-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100090

David Berikashvili , Nino Tavartkiladze , Levan Kvakhadze , Shota Tvaladze , Eliso Kvavadze

This paper presents the results of multidisciplinary research carried out at the Samshvilde Archaeological Complex (Georgia, South Caucasus) between 2016 and 2024 by a team from the University of Georgia, the Georgian National Museum, and Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. The project aimed to help reconstruction of the aspects of paleoecology, paleodiet, paleopathology, social hierarchy, and medical practices among Late Bronze–Iron Age, Hellenistic, and Medieval communities through the analysis of Samshvilde graves, despite the limited number of burials available. Eight graves spanning different periods were examined using a range of methodological approaches. Palynological analyses revealed widespread helminthic and gastrointestinal infections, which appear to have been treated with traditional remedies, including deer antler and volcanic ash residues identified in the graves. Archaeological evidence indicates a possible spatial shift in mortuary practices: graves from the Late Bronze–Iron Age and Hellenistic periods were concentrated near the Samshvilde citadel, whereas Medieval interments were mainly located in the eastern sector of the city. This transition may reflect demographic, economic fluctuations and broader sociopolitical changes. Bioarchaeological data further suggest that most individuals from the Medieval graves suffered violent deaths, consistent with the historical record of Seljuk, Mongol, and Iranian incursions in the region during the High and Late Middle Ages.

本文介绍了由格鲁吉亚大学、格鲁吉亚国家博物馆和伊万·贾瓦希什维利第比利斯国立大学组成的团队在2016年至2024年期间在萨姆什维尔德考古建筑群（格鲁吉亚，南高加索）进行的多学科研究的结果。该项目旨在通过对Samshvilde墓地的分析，帮助重建青铜铁器时代晚期、希腊化和中世纪社区的古生态、古饮食、古病理学、社会等级和医疗实践等方面，尽管可用的墓葬数量有限。使用一系列方法方法检查了跨越不同时期的八个坟墓。孢粉学分析揭示了广泛存在的蠕虫和胃肠道感染，这些感染似乎已经用传统疗法进行了治疗，包括在坟墓中发现的鹿角和火山灰残留物。考古证据表明，殡葬活动可能在空间上发生了变化：青铜铁器时代晚期和希腊化时期的坟墓集中在Samshvilde城堡附近，而中世纪的墓葬主要位于城市的东部地区。这种转变可能反映了人口、经济波动和更广泛的社会政治变化。生物考古数据进一步表明，中世纪坟墓中的大多数人死于暴力，这与中世纪鼎盛和晚期塞尔柱人、蒙古人和伊朗人入侵该地区的历史记录一致。

{"title":"Bioarchaeological and Palynological Studies of Graves from Samshvilde: Diachronic Case for Preliminary Reconstruction of Environment, Human Diet, Diseases and Remedies","authors":"David Berikashvili , Nino Tavartkiladze , Levan Kvakhadze , Shota Tvaladze , Eliso Kvavadze","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100090","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100090","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper presents the results of multidisciplinary research carried out at the Samshvilde Archaeological Complex (Georgia, South Caucasus) between 2016 and 2024 by a team from the University of Georgia, the Georgian National Museum, and Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. The project aimed to help reconstruction of the aspects of paleoecology, paleodiet, paleopathology, social hierarchy, and medical practices among Late Bronze–Iron Age, Hellenistic, and Medieval communities through the analysis of Samshvilde graves, despite the limited number of burials available. Eight graves spanning different periods were examined using a range of methodological approaches. Palynological analyses revealed widespread helminthic and gastrointestinal infections, which appear to have been treated with traditional remedies, including deer antler and volcanic ash residues identified in the graves. Archaeological evidence indicates a possible spatial shift in mortuary practices: graves from the Late Bronze–Iron Age and Hellenistic periods were concentrated near the Samshvilde citadel, whereas Medieval interments were mainly located in the eastern sector of the city. This transition may reflect demographic, economic fluctuations and broader sociopolitical changes. Bioarchaeological data further suggest that most individuals from the Medieval graves suffered violent deaths, consistent with the historical record of Seljuk, Mongol, and Iranian incursions in the region during the High and Late Middle Ages.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100090"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145418208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

A geoarchaeological timeline of India 印度的地质考古年表

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-10-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100089

Deepak Kumar Jha , Sujit Dasgupta , Rajat Sanyal

In the last decade, the growing interest in understanding the long-term human-environment interaction and its enduring impact on Earth systems has drawn scientists from around the world into multidisciplinary studies, including geology, archaeology, palaeoclimatology and palaeoecology. With the current trend towards understanding the roots of human impact on the landscape, the 'Anthropocene', and the complexities within the geosphere, biosphere and hydrosphere, it is high time to link geological, climatological and archaeological events at regional and global scales to human history, and therefore to introduce a first of its kind geoarchaeological timeline. Here we present a comprehensive geoarchaeological timeline that aligns major archaeological technological innovations and historical events in India with the geological timescale provided by the International Commission on Stratigraphy. This timeline will be crucial for understanding critical periods in India's history and for guiding current and future research on human-environment interactions, particularly in navigating the Anthropocene crisis. This timeline should be regularly updated as new knowledge is gained from future studies.

在过去的十年里，人们对了解人类与环境的长期相互作用及其对地球系统的持久影响越来越感兴趣，这吸引了来自世界各地的科学家进行多学科研究，包括地质学、考古学、古气候学和古生态学。随着目前对人类对景观影响的根源、“人类世”以及地圈、生物圈和水圈的复杂性的理解，是时候将区域和全球尺度上的地质、气候和考古事件与人类历史联系起来了，因此，引入首个此类地质考古时间轴。在这里，我们提出了一个全面的地质考古时间表，将印度的主要考古技术创新和历史事件与国际地层学委员会提供的地质时间表相结合。这个时间表对于理解印度历史上的关键时期，以及指导当前和未来人类与环境相互作用的研究，特别是在应对人类世危机方面，将是至关重要的。这个时间表应该定期更新，因为从未来的研究中获得了新的知识。

{"title":"A geoarchaeological timeline of India","authors":"Deepak Kumar Jha , Sujit Dasgupta , Rajat Sanyal","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100089","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100089","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In the last decade, the growing interest in understanding the long-term human-environment interaction and its enduring impact on Earth systems has drawn scientists from around the world into multidisciplinary studies, including geology, archaeology, palaeoclimatology and palaeoecology. With the current trend towards understanding the roots of human impact on the landscape, the 'Anthropocene', and the complexities within the geosphere, biosphere and hydrosphere, it is high time to link geological, climatological and archaeological events at regional and global scales to human history, and therefore to introduce a first of its kind geoarchaeological timeline. Here we present a comprehensive geoarchaeological timeline that aligns major archaeological technological innovations and historical events in India with the geological timescale provided by the International Commission on Stratigraphy. This timeline will be crucial for understanding critical periods in India's history and for guiding current and future research on human-environment interactions, particularly in navigating the Anthropocene crisis. This timeline should be regularly updated as new knowledge is gained from future studies.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100089"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145364350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The coevolution of languages, peoples and environments in Central Africa’s Kwilu-Kasai region since ∼1000 BCE: A dialogue with Jan Vansina 自公元前1000年以来中非Kwilu-Kasai地区语言、民族和环境的共同进化：与Jan Vansina的对话

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-10-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100088

Koen Bostoen , Peter Coutros , Jessamy Doman , Cesar Fortes-Lima , Sara Pacchiarotti , Carina Schlebusch

In this article, Jan Vansina’s essay on the deep-time population history of the Kwilu-Kasai region, now more than half a century old, is revisited through the kaleidoscopic lens of newly collected linguistic, archaeological, palaeoecological and genetic evidence collected between 2018 and 2023. In contrast to Vansina’s view of the region as a terminus for the settlement of diverse Bantu speech communities, the area was likely an important center of diversification and expansion for early Bantu speakers. Under a drier climate favoring the increase of grassland and open woodland around Idiofa but not a general loss of the forest cover, Bantu speakers most probably started occupying the region from the 4th century BCE onwards. Pottery-producing settlements first emerge along the Kwilu River, i.e., at Luani (371–148 BCE) and Lukombe (357–27 BCE), and then near Idiofa (146–18 BCE), where the earliest evidence for iron metallurgy marks the actual start of the Early Iron Age (146 BCE-750CE) south of the Congo rainforest. The first settlers lived in small and enclaved communities without much mutual communication. These were perfect conditions for early divergence within the Bantu language family’s major West-Coastal Bantu branch. While modern language data situate the West-Coastal Bantu homeland between the Kasai and Kamtsha Rivers, this zone was only settled towards the beginning of the common era based on the currently available archaeological data. This apparent mismatch between archaeology and historical linguistics might be due to subsequent processes of language death and population relocation and restructuring. Confirming Vansina’s idea that modern-day Kwilu-Kasai communities do not directly descend from the region’s earliest Bantu-speaking settlers, significant population reshuffling did indeed occur after the Early Iron Age. During the so-called ‘hiatus period’ (750–1450 CE), human activity contracted to a few refuge areas, especially near the modern towns of Bandundu and Idiofa, and the vegetation underwent an irreversible climate-induced shift to open habitats, possibly connected to the Medieval Climate Anomaly. During the Late Iron Age, the study area was rapidly resettled, first in the south (15–16th c. CE), and then in the north (17–18th c. CE), and large cross-regional exchange networks developed. In line with oral histories still existing among Kwilu-Kasai peoples today and with the clans and political and social institutions they share, the region underwent a very advanced demographic, linguistic and cultural integration in the four to five centuries preceding the start of European colonization, which may have involved populations no longer present there today, such as Ubangi-speaking groups.

本文通过2018年至2023年间新收集的语言学、考古学、古生态学和遗传学证据的万花筒镜头，重新审视了Jan Vansina关于Kwilu-Kasai地区人口深度历史的文章，该文章已有半个多世纪的历史。与Vansina的观点相反，该地区是不同班图语社区定居的终点，该地区可能是早期班图语群体多样化和扩张的重要中心。由于气候干燥，有利于在Idiofa周围增加草原和开阔林地，而不是森林覆盖的普遍损失，班图人很可能从公元前4世纪开始占领该地区。陶器生产定居点首先出现在Kwilu河沿岸，即Luani（公元前371-148年）和Lukombe（公元前357-27年），然后出现在Idiofa（公元前146 - 18年）附近，那里最早的铁冶金证据标志着刚果雨林以南早期铁器时代（公元前146 -750年）的实际开始。第一批定居者住在小而封闭的社区里，没有太多的相互交流。这些都是班图语系主要的西海岸班图语系早期分化的完美条件。虽然现代语言资料将西海岸班图人的家园定位在开赛河和坎察河之间，但根据目前可获得的考古资料，这个区域直到共同时代开始时才被确定下来。考古学和历史语言学之间这种明显的不匹配可能是由于语言死亡和人口迁移和重组的后续过程。证实了万西纳的观点，即现代的Kwilu-Kasai社区并不是直接来自该地区最早的班图语定居者，重大的人口重组确实发生在早期铁器时代之后。在所谓的“间歇期”（公元750-1450年），人类活动收缩到一些避难区域，特别是在现代城镇班顿杜和伊迪法附近，植被经历了不可逆转的气候引起的向开放栖息地的转变，这可能与中世纪气候异常有关。在铁器时代晚期，研究区域迅速迁移，首先迁移到南部（公元15 - 16年），然后迁移到北部（公元17 - 18年），并形成了大型的跨区域交换网络。根据今天Kwilu-Kasai人民之间仍然存在的口述历史，以及他们共有的部族和政治及社会制度，在欧洲殖民开始之前的四五个世纪，该地区经历了一次非常先进的人口、语言和文化一体化，其中可能涉及今天已经不复存在的人口，例如讲乌班吉语的群体。

{"title":"The coevolution of languages, peoples and environments in Central Africa’s Kwilu-Kasai region since ∼1000 BCE: A dialogue with Jan Vansina","authors":"Koen Bostoen , Peter Coutros , Jessamy Doman , Cesar Fortes-Lima , Sara Pacchiarotti , Carina Schlebusch","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100088","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100088","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In this article, Jan Vansina’s essay on the deep-time population history of the Kwilu-Kasai region, now more than half a century old, is revisited through the kaleidoscopic lens of newly collected linguistic, archaeological, palaeoecological and genetic evidence collected between 2018 and 2023. In contrast to Vansina’s view of the region as a terminus for the settlement of diverse Bantu speech communities, the area was likely an important center of diversification and expansion for early Bantu speakers. Under a drier climate favoring the increase of grassland and open woodland around Idiofa but not a general loss of the forest cover, Bantu speakers most probably started occupying the region from the 4th century BCE onwards. Pottery-producing settlements first emerge along the Kwilu River, i.e., at Luani (371–148 BCE) and Lukombe (357–27 BCE), and then near Idiofa (146–18 BCE), where the earliest evidence for iron metallurgy marks the actual start of the Early Iron Age (146 BCE-750CE) south of the Congo rainforest. The first settlers lived in small and enclaved communities without much mutual communication. These were perfect conditions for early divergence within the Bantu language family’s major West-Coastal Bantu branch. While modern language data situate the West-Coastal Bantu homeland between the Kasai and Kamtsha Rivers, this zone was only settled towards the beginning of the common era based on the currently available archaeological data. This apparent mismatch between archaeology and historical linguistics might be due to subsequent processes of language death and population relocation and restructuring. Confirming Vansina’s idea that modern-day Kwilu-Kasai communities do not directly descend from the region’s earliest Bantu-speaking settlers, significant population reshuffling did indeed occur after the Early Iron Age. During the so-called ‘hiatus period’ (750–1450 CE), human activity contracted to a few refuge areas, especially near the modern towns of Bandundu and Idiofa, and the vegetation underwent an irreversible climate-induced shift to open habitats, possibly connected to the Medieval Climate Anomaly. During the Late Iron Age, the study area was rapidly resettled, first in the south (15–16th c. CE), and then in the north (17–18th c. CE), and large cross-regional exchange networks developed. In line with oral histories still existing among Kwilu-Kasai peoples today and with the clans and political and social institutions they share, the region underwent a very advanced demographic, linguistic and cultural integration in the four to five centuries preceding the start of European colonization, which may have involved populations no longer present there today, such as Ubangi-speaking groups.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100088"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145322452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Stone tool use as an adaptive technology: A meta-analysis of functional estimates on use-wear traces from early, middle, and late Upper Paleolithic industries in the northeastern Japanese Archipelago 作为一种适应性技术的石器使用：日本群岛东北部旧石器时代早期、中期和晚期工业使用磨损痕迹的功能估计的荟萃分析

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-10-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100084

Akira Iwase

Since the 1980s, the development of experimental traceological studies has enabled archaeologists to estimate the intended use of Paleolithic stone tools whose functions were unclear. Despite the functional analyses of over 5500 Japanese Upper Paleolithic artifacts, how stone tool use was organized in response to the Late Pleistocene environmental changes remains poorly understood. Using an updated database of Japanese Upper Paleolithic functional studies, this paper conducts a meta-analysis of functional estimates from use-wear traces to examine the differences in stone tool use among three lithic industries in the northeastern Paleo-Honshu Island: Trapezoid (early Upper Paleolithic: EUP, c. 38–32 cal ka BP), Blade point (middle Upper Paleolithic: MUP, c. 32–23 cal ka BP), and Microblade (late Upper Paleolithic: LUP, c. 18–16 cal ka BP) and to discuss how Paleolithic hunter-gatherers organized and adapted their tool use strategies during Marine Isotope Stages 3 and 2. Results suggest that EUP, MUP, and LUP populations organized their stone tool uses differently. The EUP foragers used trapezoidal tools multifunctionally, though infrequently for shaping non-lithic and/or complex tools. In contrast, LUP foragers honed technologies to maintain diverse stone toolkits specialized for processing non-lithic and complex tools. MUP foragers possessed blade tools with a moderate frequency of toolmaking traces and moderate multifunctionality. Taken together, observed diversity of stone tool use likely reflect differences in the toolkit structures that Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers designed to adapt to the Late Pleistocene environments on the northeastern Paleo-Honshu Island.

自20世纪80年代以来，实验痕迹学研究的发展使考古学家能够估计旧石器时代石器工具的预期用途，这些工具的功能尚不清楚。尽管对5500多件日本旧石器时代晚期文物进行了功能分析，但人们对石器工具的使用如何响应晚更新世的环境变化仍然知之甚少。本文利用更新的日本旧石器时代晚期功能研究数据库，对使用磨损痕迹的功能估计进行了荟合分析，以检验古本州岛东北部三个石器工业之间的石器工具使用差异：三角区（旧石器时代早期：EUP，约38-32 cal ka BP）、刀尖区（旧石器时代中期：MUP，约32-23 cal ka BP）和微刀片区(旧石器时代晚期：LUP, c. 18-16 cal ka BP)，并讨论在海洋同位素阶段3和2，旧石器时代的狩猎采集者如何组织和适应他们的工具使用策略。结果表明，EUP、MUP和LUP人群使用石器的组织方式不同。EUP采集者将梯形工具用于多种用途，尽管很少用于塑造非石器和/或复杂的工具。相比之下，LUP采集者磨练技术来维护各种专门用于加工非石器和复杂工具的石器工具包。MUP采集者拥有具有中等频率的工具制造痕迹和中等多功能的刀片工具。总的来说，观察到的石器使用多样性可能反映了旧石器时代晚期狩猎采集者为适应古本州岛东北部晚更新世环境而设计的工具包结构的差异。

{"title":"Stone tool use as an adaptive technology: A meta-analysis of functional estimates on use-wear traces from early, middle, and late Upper Paleolithic industries in the northeastern Japanese Archipelago","authors":"Akira Iwase","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100084","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100084","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Since the 1980s, the development of experimental traceological studies has enabled archaeologists to estimate the intended use of Paleolithic stone tools whose functions were unclear. Despite the functional analyses of over 5500 Japanese Upper Paleolithic artifacts, how stone tool use was organized in response to the Late Pleistocene environmental changes remains poorly understood. Using an updated database of Japanese Upper Paleolithic functional studies, this paper conducts a meta-analysis of functional estimates from use-wear traces to examine the differences in stone tool use among three lithic industries in the northeastern Paleo-Honshu Island: Trapezoid (early Upper Paleolithic: EUP, c. 38–32 cal ka BP), Blade point (middle Upper Paleolithic: MUP, c. 32–23 cal ka BP), and Microblade (late Upper Paleolithic: LUP, c. 18–16 cal ka BP) and to discuss how Paleolithic hunter-gatherers organized and adapted their tool use strategies during Marine Isotope Stages 3 and 2. Results suggest that EUP, MUP, and LUP populations organized their stone tool uses differently. The EUP foragers used trapezoidal tools multifunctionally, though infrequently for shaping non-lithic and/or complex tools. In contrast, LUP foragers honed technologies to maintain diverse stone toolkits specialized for processing non-lithic and complex tools. MUP foragers possessed blade tools with a moderate frequency of toolmaking traces and moderate multifunctionality. Taken together, observed diversity of stone tool use likely reflect differences in the toolkit structures that Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers designed to adapt to the Late Pleistocene environments on the northeastern Paleo-Honshu Island.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100084"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145322453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

High-precision dating of Abrigo de La Boja (Murcia, Spain): Implications for the Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic transition and the culture-stratigraphy of Upper Pleistocene Iberia Abrigo de La Boja（西班牙穆尔西亚）的高精度定年：对旧石器时代中晚期过渡和伊比利亚上更新世文化地层学的意义

Quaternary Environments and Humans

Pub Date : 2025-10-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100085

João Zilhão , Lucas Ageby , Ernestina Badal , Luís Gomes , Ignacio Martín-Lerma , Peter Steier , Eva Maria Wild , Diego E. Angelucci , Valentin Villaverde , Josefina Zapata

La Boja is a rock-shelter located in Murcia (Spain) whose c.7 m infilling spans the last 50,000 years of the Pleistocene. Though punctuated by a few episodes of stasis or erosion, sediment accumulation proceeded at a regular rate, while human occupation was intermittent and light. This pattern allowed for the preservation of 31 well-separated Occupation Horizons whose stratigraphic integrity is demonstrated by stone tool refitting, the pristine preservation of hearths and earth ovens, and the age-depth consistency of dating results. Verification of these criteria warranted Bayesian modelling of the sequence, which was carried out under OxCal and delivered a high-resolution chronostratigraphy based on 56 age measurements obtained by OSL and radiocarbon. Our main conclusions are as follows: substantial human use of south-east Spain’s arid interior during MIS 2 and MIS 3 was restricted to interstadials; during stadials, visits were fleeting and left behind an exceedingly scant record (except perhaps in the Solutrean, when harsh conditions prevailed globally but short-lived pulses of increased humidity occurred locally); the Mousterian’s basal metre, featuring Levallois reduction and Soyons points, formed through the 50–55 ka (thousands of years ago) interval; the region’s earliest Upper Palaeolithic is the Evolved Aurignacian, which replaced the Middle Palaeolithic during the 37.1–37.4 ka interval (thereby supporting that, in southern and western Iberia, Neandertals persisted for longer than elsewhere in Eurasia); the transition to the Gravettian occurred within the 34–35 ka interval and there is no evidence that it was demic rather than simply technological; the existence of a distinct Lower Solutrean phase spanning the 25.0–25.5 ka interval is confirmed; in the region, the 20–22 ka slot is occupied by the Solutreo-gravettian, which implies that claims for the French Badegoulian to have extended as far south as the Spanish Levant cannot be supported.

La Boja是一个位于穆尔西亚（西班牙）的岩石避难所，其c.7 m的填充跨越了更新世的最后5万年。虽然偶尔会有几次停滞或侵蚀，但沉积物的积累是有规律的，而人类的活动是断断续续的，而且很少。这种模式使得31个分离良好的“占领层”得以保存，其地层的完整性通过石器的修复、炉膛和烤炉的原始保存以及年代测定结果的年龄深度一致性得到了证明。这些标准的验证保证了层序的贝叶斯模型，该模型在OxCal下进行，并基于OSL和放射性碳测量获得的56年年龄数据提供了高分辨率的年代地层。我们的主要结论如下：在MIS 2和MIS 3期间，人类对西班牙东南部干旱内陆的大量利用仅限于间隔带；在运动期间，人们的到访转瞬即逝，留下的记录也极其稀少（也许除了在梭鲁特时期，当时全球普遍存在恶劣的环境，但局部出现了短暂的湿度增加脉冲）；莫斯特纪基底节拍，以勒瓦卢瓦还原和索伊昂点为特征，形成于50-55 ka（数千年前）之间；该地区最早的上旧石器时代是进化的奥里尼亚纪，在37.1-37.4 ka之间取代了中旧石器时代（从而支持了在伊比利亚南部和西部，尼安德特人比欧亚大陆其他地方生存的时间更长）；向重力期的过渡发生在34-35 ka之间，没有证据表明这是学术上的，而不仅仅是技术上的；在25.0 ~ 25.5 ka区间存在明显的下苏氏期相；在该地区，20-22 ka的槽位被Solutreo-gravettian占据，这意味着法国巴德古连向南延伸至西班牙黎凡特的说法是不成立的。

{"title":"High-precision dating of Abrigo de La Boja (Murcia, Spain): Implications for the Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic transition and the culture-stratigraphy of Upper Pleistocene Iberia","authors":"João Zilhão , Lucas Ageby , Ernestina Badal , Luís Gomes , Ignacio Martín-Lerma , Peter Steier , Eva Maria Wild , Diego E. Angelucci , Valentin Villaverde , Josefina Zapata","doi":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100085","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.qeh.2025.100085","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>La Boja is a rock-shelter located in Murcia (Spain) whose <em>c.</em>7 m infilling spans the last 50,000 years of the Pleistocene. Though punctuated by a few episodes of stasis or erosion, sediment accumulation proceeded at a regular rate, while human occupation was intermittent and light. This pattern allowed for the preservation of 31 well-separated Occupation Horizons whose stratigraphic integrity is demonstrated by stone tool refitting, the pristine preservation of hearths and earth ovens, and the age-depth consistency of dating results. Verification of these criteria warranted Bayesian modelling of the sequence, which was carried out under OxCal and delivered a high-resolution chronostratigraphy based on 56 age measurements obtained by OSL and radiocarbon. Our main conclusions are as follows: substantial human use of south-east Spain’s arid interior during MIS 2 and MIS 3 was restricted to interstadials; during stadials, visits were fleeting and left behind an exceedingly scant record (except perhaps in the Solutrean, when harsh conditions prevailed globally but short-lived pulses of increased humidity occurred locally); the Mousterian’s basal metre, featuring Levallois reduction and Soyons points, formed through the 50–55 ka (thousands of years ago) interval; the region’s earliest Upper Palaeolithic is the Evolved Aurignacian, which replaced the Middle Palaeolithic during the 37.1–37.4 ka interval (thereby supporting that, in southern and western Iberia, Neandertals persisted for longer than elsewhere in Eurasia); the transition to the Gravettian occurred within the 34–35 ka interval and there is no evidence that it was demic rather than simply technological; the existence of a distinct Lower Solutrean phase spanning the 25.0–25.5 ka interval is confirmed; in the region, the 20–22 ka slot is occupied by the Solutreo-gravettian, which implies that claims for the French Badegoulian to have extended as far south as the Spanish Levant cannot be supported.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":101053,"journal":{"name":"Quaternary Environments and Humans","volume":"3 4","pages":"Article 100085"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145519999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0