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Killing two birds with one stone: insights into the recent counterterrorism legislation in Cameroon 一石二鸟:对喀麦隆最近反恐立法的见解
Pub Date : 2020-09-08 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2020-2-190
Gerard Emmanuel Kamdem Kamga
The paper reviews counterterrorism legislation in Cameroon in relation to (in-) security, human rights and the rule of law. In December 2014, to step up the fight against the terrorist group Boko Haram, the Parliament of Cameroon enacted a new law on the suppression of acts of terrorism. However, owing to both its suppressive nature and serious threat to the security and rights of the people it claims to protect, the content of this law appears to be controversial. The author attempts to break down this legislation and argues that the distinctive feature of the recent counterterrorism legislation in Cameroon is the disappearance of the distinction between the perpetrators of terrorist activities and civilian populations as well as political opponents involved in national protests both being subject to capital punishment. In so doing, the author provides critical insights into a unique anti-terror universe, that is, the current socio-political situation in Cameroon. From the recent unrests and arrests following the controversial outcome of the 2018 presidential elections, to the crisis in the English speaking regions of Cameroon as well as the (bloody) suppression of journalists, emphasis is put on the extent to which the current legal architecture of the state has been overshadowed by a fearsome piece of legislation coupled with the hyperactivity of military judges who have been busy leading Kafkaesque trials almost on a full-time basis. In the end, what is noticeable is the extent to which the counterterrorism legislation of December 2014 unveiled itself as a suppressive device aiming at protecting the regime instead of a security arsenal for the sake of the society.
本文回顾了喀麦隆在安全、人权和法治方面的反恐立法。2014年12月,为加大对“博科圣地”恐怖组织的打击力度,喀麦隆议会颁布了一项关于打击恐怖主义行为的新法律。但是,由于它的压制性质和对它声称要保护的人民的安全和权利的严重威胁,这项法律的内容似乎是有争议的。提交人试图打破这一立法,并辩称,喀麦隆最近反恐怖主义立法的显著特点是,恐怖主义活动的肇事者与平民以及参与国家抗议的政治对手之间没有区别,两者都将受到死刑。在这样做的过程中,作者提供了一个独特的反恐宇宙的关键见解,即喀麦隆当前的社会政治局势。从最近在2018年总统选举有争议的结果后发生的骚乱和逮捕,到喀麦隆英语地区的危机以及对记者的(血腥)镇压,重点是国家当前的法律架构在何种程度上被一项可怕的立法所掩盖,再加上军事法官的过度活跃,他们几乎全职忙于领导卡夫卡式的审判。最后,值得注意的是,2014年12月的反恐立法在多大程度上暴露了自己是一种旨在保护政权的镇压手段,而不是为了社会的安全武器库。
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引用次数: 1
Brazilian Anti-Corruption Structure: Normative Systematization and Institutional Coordination Issues 巴西反腐败结构:规范系统化和制度协调问题
Pub Date : 2020-04-26 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2019-4-463
C. Ragazzo, F. Freitas
This article discusses the challenges of legislative systematization and inter-institutional coordination that have emerged as a result of the anti-corruption movement in Brazil in recent years. We contextualize the forthcoming discussion by presenting a brief history of Brazil’s normative framework on the subject, including elements that have proven important for combating corruption in the country. Later, we demonstrate that the formation of this national context on corruption has resulted in deficient legislative systematization, which causes difficulties in the application of the existing laws and rules. Moreover, it has hampered inter-institutional coordination, thus retarding processes, increasing the demands to the courts, elevating the insecurity of those who are subject to the institutions’ actions, and so on. In conclusion, although recent developments initiated by Brazil’s government and other ancillary institutions have attempted to address these issues, a deficiency is likely to exist in the foreseeable future, especially in terms of the proposed legislative agenda under discussion.
本文讨论了近年来巴西反腐运动所带来的立法系统化和机构间协调的挑战。我们通过简要介绍巴西关于这一主题的规范框架的历史,包括已被证明对该国打击腐败很重要的要素,将即将进行的讨论置于背景下。随后,我们论证了这种关于腐败的国家语境的形成导致了立法制度化的不足,这导致了现有法律和规则在适用上的困难。此外,它还妨碍了机构间的协调,从而延缓了进程,增加了向法院提出的要求,增加了那些受机构行动影响的人的不安全感,等等。总之,尽管巴西政府和其他附属机构最近发起的发展试图解决这些问题,但在可预见的未来可能存在不足,特别是在讨论中的拟议立法议程方面。
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引用次数: 1
The Charisma of the European Central Bank: From Political Sacrifice to Monetary Rituals 欧洲央行的魅力:从政治牺牲到货币仪式
Pub Date : 2019-10-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2019-3-348
M. Goldoni
The article expands Paul Kahn’s cultural analysis of the US Supreme Court’s charisma to EU institutions and, in particular, to the European Central Bank. The aim is twofold: on the one hand, the intention is to show the rich potential of the cultural study of law for understanding different constitutional experiences; on the other hand, the aim is to show that political sacrifice may not be the only material for building constitutional imagination. As the analysis of the ECB’s unconventional intervention into the Euro-crisis tries to establish, other forms of sacrifice might be conjured up, in a context where the constitutional order is held together more by rituals rather than violent commitments. Although the ECB does not enjoy sovereign authority, it has been able to maintain stable (though at a high price, not only metaphorically) the eurozone legal order.
这篇文章将保罗•卡恩(Paul Kahn)对美国最高法院魅力的文化分析扩展到了欧盟机构,尤其是欧洲央行(ecb)。其目的是双重的:一方面,意图是展示法律文化研究的丰富潜力,以理解不同的宪法经验;另一方面,其目的是表明,政治牺牲可能不是构建宪法想象的唯一材料。正如对欧洲央行非常规干预欧元危机的分析试图建立的那样,在宪法秩序更多地通过仪式而不是暴力承诺来维系的背景下,其他形式的牺牲可能会被召唤出来。尽管欧洲央行不享有主权权力,但它一直能够维持欧元区法律秩序的稳定(尽管代价高昂,不仅仅是比喻意义上的)。
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引用次数: 0
Coordinating the Enforcement of Anti-Corruption Law: South American Experiences 协调反腐败法的执行:南美洲的经验
Pub Date : 2014-12-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2021-2-160
K. Davis, M. Machado, Guillermo Jorge
One of the most pressing challenges in anti-corruption law is whether and how to coordinate enforcement across multiple agencies, that is to say, under conditions of institutional multiplicity. One approach is modular enforcement, which involves dividing responsibility for enforcement among multiple institutions that are able, but not required, to coordinate their activities. The relatively impressive performance of Brazil’s anti-corruption agencies around the beginning of the twentieth century has been attributed to this kind of institutional modularity. We examine whether other similarly situated countries adopted the Brazilian approach. Specifically, we compare the extent to which the modular approach to anti-corruption enforcement was reflected in the national anti-corruption institutions of Brazil and five other South American countries as of 2014. We find little evidence that Brazil’s neighbors adopted the modular approach and suggest a variety of political, intellectual and institutional factors that may limit the attraction of institutional modularity outside the Brazilian context. Our analysis also demonstrates the value of an approach to comparative legal analysis which extends beyond the judiciary and the police to cover the full range of institutions involved in law enforcement.
反腐败法中最紧迫的挑战之一是是否以及如何在多个机构之间协调执法,也就是说,在机构多样性的条件下。一种方法是模块化执行,它涉及将执行的责任分配给能够(但不是必须)协调其活动的多个机构。20世纪初,巴西反腐败机构的表现相对令人印象深刻,这要归功于这种制度的模块化。我们考察了其他情况类似的国家是否采用了巴西的做法。具体而言,我们比较了截至2014年,模块化反腐执法方法在巴西和其他五个南美国家反腐败机构中的体现程度。我们发现几乎没有证据表明巴西的邻国采用了模块化方法,并提出了各种政治、智力和制度因素,这些因素可能会限制巴西以外地区制度模块化的吸引力。我们的分析还显示了比较法律分析方法的价值,这种方法超越了司法和警察的范畴,涵盖了参与执法的所有机构。
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引用次数: 3
Acknowledgement of Peer Reviewers in 2021 2021年同行评审致谢
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2021-4-592
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引用次数: 0
Away with oppressed methodology! Reflections on an experiment in Law & Development education 抛弃被压迫的方法论吧!法律与发展教育实验的思考
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2022-2-187
Helen Eenmaa, Morag Goodwin, Ingunn Ikdahl, Marta Enciso Santocildes
Ten years ago, six institutions came together to establish a joint doctoral programme. The shared motivations behind this project were to improve the quality of doctoral research that we encountered and to create a space for qualitative research within our law schools. We called the project the ‘European Joint Doctorate in Law and Development’ (EDOLAD). A key element of the programme was to be a core, and therefore compulsory, curriculum that all researchers were to follow. For most of the scholars involved in the project, L&D was a useful label that allowed us to bridge our different interests and to create shared ground. For some, though, the core curriculum also provided an opportunity to define what we thought L&D education or legal research should be. What emerged was a focus on critical methodology. This paper explores this by reflecting on what we had hoped to achieve with the core curriculum and draws on EDOLAD researchers’ experiences to determine what impact our efforts at creating an L&D-focused education may have had. What our reflections here suggest, in part, is the difficulty of creating a coherent, field-building, programme of education in a multi-university collaboration in which resources are unevenly distributed; but also, more interestingly, that L&D as a concept - at least as we imagined it - seems to struggle to provide a scholarly identity for critical researchers.
十年前,六所院校联合成立了一个联合博士项目。这个项目背后的共同动机是提高我们遇到的博士研究的质量,并在我们的法学院内为定性研究创造空间。我们把这个项目称为“欧洲法律与发展联合博士”(EDOLAD)。该计划的一个关键要素是成为所有研究人员都要遵循的核心课程,因此也是必修课程。对于大多数参与这个项目的学者来说,L&D是一个有用的标签,它使我们能够弥合不同的兴趣,创造共同的基础。不过,对一些人来说,核心课程也提供了一个机会,让他们定义我们对法学与发展教育或法律研究的看法。出现的是对批判方法论的关注。本文通过反思我们希望通过核心课程实现的目标,并借鉴EDOLAD研究人员的经验来探讨这一点,以确定我们在创建以学习和发展为重点的教育方面的努力可能产生的影响。我们在这里的反思部分表明,在资源分配不均的多所大学合作中,创建一个连贯的、实地建设的教育计划是困难的;但更有趣的是,L&D作为一个概念——至少在我们的想象中——似乎很难为批判性研究人员提供一个学术身份。
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引用次数: 0
The Historical Debt: The Elusive Agrarian Jurisdiction in Colombia 历史债务:哥伦比亚难以捉摸的土地管辖权
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2022-3-333
Natalia Ruiz Morato
This study reviews the past, present, and future of agrarian jurisdiction in the context of the agrarian reforms in Colombia with a focus on violent conflicts in rural areas. The methodology used is that of a multi-method case study and legal historic analysis. The study shows how, without an agrarian jurisdiction, the Colombian legal system faces a crisis of legitimacy, lacks effectiveness, and creates new interethnic rural conflicts. The study also evaluates the country’s recent legislative proposal in the light of constitutional law, the stated goals of the 2016 Peace Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants (UNDROP). It offers recommendations on how to enforce the rule of law in agrarian issues, in order to overcome systematic violations of human, economic, social, and environmental rights of vulnerable rural populations: recommendations to be taken into consideration by the legal community and the international partners of the country’s comprehensive agrarian reform program.
本研究回顾了哥伦比亚土地改革背景下土地管辖权的过去、现在和未来,重点关注农村地区的暴力冲突。使用的方法是一个多方法的案例研究和法律历史分析。该研究表明,如果没有土地管辖权,哥伦比亚法律体系将面临合法性危机,缺乏有效性,并产生新的种族间农村冲突。该研究还根据宪法、2016年和平协定的既定目标、可持续发展目标和联合国《农民权利宣言》,对该国最近的立法提案进行了评估。报告就如何在土地问题上实施法治提出了建议,以克服对弱势农村人口的人权、经济、社会和环境权利的系统性侵犯:这些建议将由法律界和该国综合土地改革方案的国际合作伙伴予以考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Traditional Medicine as Part of the Human Right to Health in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 传统医学作为刚果民主共和国健康权的一部分
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2023-2-371
Dady Mumbanika Mbwisi
Applicable law protecting the right to health in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) consists of ratified human rights treaties, such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter), and domestic laws. However, none of these legal instruments explicitly mention traditional medicine (TM). Nevertheless, their provisions are broad enough to include TM. The Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights have interpreted the right to health under the ICESCR and the African Charter to cover TM. Moreover, in implementing the right to health, the DRC has taken legislation, policies, and programs that regulate and protect TM. In addition to discouraging some bad practices associated with TM, regulation protects people from eventual violation of the right to health by Traditional Health Practitioners (THPs). Furthermore, the protection of medicinal natural resources contributes to the availability and accessibility of TM products. However, like in the colonial period, TM in the DRC continues to be marginalized compared to modern medicine. Therefore, several factors limit access to TM of good quality that is available and accessible. These include, among others, failure for public health facilities to provide TM, lack of provisions covering explicitly TM under the existing social security law, the absence of an adequate control mechanism, and the lack of appropriate criminal sanction regime.
在刚果民主共和国,保护健康权的适用法律包括经批准的人权条约,如《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》和《非洲人权和人民权利宪章》,以及国内法。然而,这些法律文书都没有明确提到传统医学。然而,它们的规定足够广泛,可以包括TM。经济、社会和文化权利委员会以及非洲人权和人民权利委员会根据《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》和《非洲宪章》对健康权的解释涵盖了传统医学。此外,在落实健康权方面,刚果民主共和国制定了规范和保护传统医学的立法、政策和方案。除了阻止与传统医疗相关的一些不良做法外,监管还保护人们免受传统医疗从业者最终侵犯健康权的侵害。此外,药用自然资源的保护有助于中药产品的可获得性和可及性。然而,与殖民时期一样,与现代医学相比,传统医学在刚果民主共和国继续被边缘化。因此,有几个因素限制了对现有和可获得的高质量TM的访问。这些问题包括,除其他外,公共卫生设施未能提供传统医学,现行社会保险法中缺乏明确涵盖传统医学的规定,缺乏适当的控制机制,以及缺乏适当的刑事制裁制度。
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引用次数: 0
The Human Rights Jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court of Seychelles 塞舌尔宪法法院的人权管辖权
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2023-2-396
J. D. Mujuzi
The jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court of the Seychelles, the Court, is provided for under different provisions of the Constitution. Article 46 deals with the circumstances in which a person may approach the Court to enforce human rights. It also deals with the powers of the Court in this context. In this article, I illustrate how the Court, when enforcing or applying Article 46, has dealt with the following issues: locus standi to petition the Court; circumstances in which the Court's jurisdiction is excluded or limited; powers of the Court in protecting human rights, circumstances in which other courts may refer matters to the Constitutional Court and procedural access to the Court and the burden to prove human rights violations. It is observed that for a person to have locus standi under Article 46(1), there has to be a real likelihood that his/her right will be violated. A remote possibility of a violation does not trigger Article 46(1). It is observed further that the right under Article 46(1) is not absolute; although the word ‘may’ is used under Article 46(3), the Court is obliged to decline being seized with a matter in case the applicant has obtained redress from another court; since the constitution is silent on the burden of proof in cases where a private individual is alleged to have violated a human right, the burden should be on the applicant to prove such a violation; and that the Rules of the Court which require that an action alleging a violation of human rights has to be filed within three months of the violation may have to be amended to create exceptions for continuing violations of human rights and for the violation of non-derogable rights.
《宪法》的不同条款规定了塞舌尔宪法法院(法院)的管辖权。第46条规定了在何种情况下,个人可以向法院要求执行人权。它还涉及法院在这方面的权力。在本文中,我将说明法院在执行或适用第46条时如何处理下列问题:向法院请愿的所在地;法院的管辖权被排除或限制的情况;法院在保护人权方面的权力、其他法院可将事项提交宪法法院的情况、诉诸法院的程序途径以及证明侵犯人权行为的责任。有人指出,一个人要根据第46(1)条具有所在地地位,他/她的权利必须确实有可能受到侵犯。违反的微小可能性不会触发第46(1)条。委员会进一步指出,第46(1)条规定的权利不是绝对的;虽然“可能”一词是根据第46(3)条使用的,但如果申请人已从另一法院获得补救,法院有义务拒绝受理案件;由于《宪法》没有规定在指称个人侵犯人权的情况下的举证责任,因此证明这种侵犯行为的责任应由申请人承担;法院规则要求指称侵犯人权的诉讼必须在侵犯事件发生后三个月内提出,可能必须加以修正,以便为继续侵犯人权和侵犯不可克减的权利创造例外。
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引用次数: 0
Redeeming the National in Constitutional Argument 宪法论争中的国家救赎
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.5771/0506-7286-2021-4-461
William Partlett, Dinesha Samararatne
In many countries beyond the traditional comparative constitutional law canon, the advocates of constitutionalism are increasingly appealing to a supra-national constitutional discourse frequently grounded in best practices for constitutionalism. This trend has helped to foster a nationalistic backlash which arguesin which constitutional advocates argue that constitutions should not reflect international constitutional norms but instead must reflect historically-grounded tradition or identity. How should advocates of constitutionalism understand and respond to this backlash? We argue that linking a critical interpretation of national history and the text of the national constitution to constitutionalism can help to counter this nationalist backlash, particularly in constitutional adjudication. Looking at Russia and Sri Lanka, we illustrate how this process of “redeeming the national” can provide new arguments for those interested in advancing the project of constitutionalism. We argue further that this kind of constitutional argument can also help to uncover ways of adapting constitutional principles to particular national contexts.
在许多国家,在传统的比较宪法经典之外,宪政主义的倡导者越来越多地呼吁超国家的宪法话语,这些话语往往以宪政主义的最佳实践为基础。这一趋势助长了民族主义的反弹,其中宪法倡导者认为,宪法不应反映国际宪法规范,而必须反映基于历史的传统或身份。宪政主义的倡导者应该如何理解和应对这种反弹?我们认为,将对国家历史和国家宪法文本的批判性解释与宪政联系起来,有助于对抗这种民族主义的反弹,特别是在宪法裁决中。以俄罗斯和斯里兰卡为例,我们将说明这种“赎回国家”的过程如何为那些有意推进宪政计划的人提供新的论据。我们进一步认为,这种宪法论证也有助于揭示使宪法原则适应特定国家背景的方法。
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引用次数: 0
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