Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.2-5
Lilit Harutyunyan
The paper analyses the geopolitical impact of the Syrian crisis on Lebanon. This impact is observed in two forms: one within the Syria-Lebanon relations (a sub-regional) and the other one within the wider Middle East (a regional). The first refers to the direct repercussions that the increasing instability in Syria has on the Lebanese part. More specifically, the impact that have some factors of the Syrian crisis –increasing confessionalism and Islamic radicalism- on the internal political and religious power relations of Lebanon. The second form of impact refers to the indirect yet critical repercussions that the regional instability of the Middle East has on Lebanon. As a state of proxy actors through which the regional powers project power and as an integral part of the Syria-Lebanon sub-region, Lebanon is the primary point on which the regional systemic pressure is applied. As a result of this regional impact, the internal political and religious power relations of Lebanon become a micro-level representation of the regional power relations of the wider Middle Eastern system.
{"title":"The Impact Of The Syrian Crisis On Lebanon: Geopolitical Aspect","authors":"Lilit Harutyunyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.2-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.2-5","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyses the geopolitical impact of the Syrian crisis on Lebanon. This impact is observed in two forms: one within the Syria-Lebanon relations (a sub-regional) and the other one within the wider Middle East (a regional). The first refers to the direct repercussions that the increasing instability in Syria has on the Lebanese part. More specifically, the impact that have some factors of the Syrian crisis –increasing confessionalism and Islamic radicalism- on the internal political and religious power relations of Lebanon. The second form of impact refers to the indirect yet critical repercussions that the regional instability of the Middle East has on Lebanon. As a state of proxy actors through which the regional powers project power and as an integral part of the Syria-Lebanon sub-region, Lebanon is the primary point on which the regional systemic pressure is applied. As a result of this regional impact, the internal political and religious power relations of Lebanon become a micro-level representation of the regional power relations of the wider Middle Eastern system.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"30 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139174012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-12DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-26
Hongjin Kuang, G. Ni
After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, friendly bilateral relations between China and Pakistan have become increasingly close in various fields following China’s peaceful rise. The space cooperation that started after the end of the Cold War is a sign of the gradual progress of the relationship between the two countries to the current all-weather strategic cooperative partnership. With China’s assistance, Pakistan has achieved significant milestones in the space field. Pakistan is also a key node in China’s strategy to expand international space cooperation. After the 2010s, China-Pakistan space cooperation was integrated with the construction of the Space Silk Road and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, becoming a model for space cooperation specifically promoting the social and economic development of developing countries. This paper outlines the complete picture of China-Pakistan space cooperation under the evolutionary logic and chronological context of "ideological-materialization" two-way mutual construction, so as to reasonably predict the prospects of China-Pakistan space cooperation.
{"title":"China-Pakistan Space Cooperation: Path, Motivation And The Future","authors":"Hongjin Kuang, G. Ni","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-26","url":null,"abstract":"After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, friendly bilateral relations between China and Pakistan have become increasingly close in various fields following China’s peaceful rise. The space cooperation that started after the end of the Cold War is a sign of the gradual progress of the relationship between the two countries to the current all-weather strategic cooperative partnership. With China’s assistance, Pakistan has achieved significant milestones in the space field. Pakistan is also a key node in China’s strategy to expand international space cooperation. After the 2010s, China-Pakistan space cooperation was integrated with the construction of the Space Silk Road and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, becoming a model for space cooperation specifically promoting the social and economic development of developing countries. This paper outlines the complete picture of China-Pakistan space cooperation under the evolutionary logic and chronological context of \"ideological-materialization\" two-way mutual construction, so as to reasonably predict the prospects of China-Pakistan space cooperation.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"349 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125629538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-12DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-64
Yeyan Wu
Yanagi Sōetsu put forward the word "Mingei (Folk Craft)" in 1925 and jointly published the "Purport Book on the Establishment of Japan Mingei Museum" with Tomimoto Kenkichi, Kawai Kanjiro, and Hamada Shoji the following year, so as to launch Japan’s "Mingei movement". Some scholars have noticed that during World War II, Mingei was related to "life culture" with fascist ideology, and there was a historical phenomenon that Mingei served politics. This paper attempts to interpret the first-hand texts of Yanagi Sōetsu, Kunio Kishida, and Kiyoshi Miki, discuss how Mingei with a "healthy" original intention came into being, and how it gradually became a tool for Japanese fascist aggression and expansion. Mingei originated in the period of "Taisho Democracy," with a strong left-wing flavor in Japanese history. It contains a beautiful vision of making society "healthy". It has gained influence with the support of elites, and the Mingei movement has progressed well in rural and urban society. Later, Mingei gradually attracted the attention of the Showa fascist government and was absorbed by the concept of "life culture" advocated by the new system in 1940, which was alienated and became a tool for the mobilization of the Japanese fascist war.
{"title":"A Study On Japanese Mingei’s Birth In Taisho Era And Alienation In Showa Era","authors":"Yeyan Wu","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-64","url":null,"abstract":"Yanagi Sōetsu put forward the word \"Mingei (Folk Craft)\" in 1925 and jointly published the \"Purport Book on the Establishment of Japan Mingei Museum\" with Tomimoto Kenkichi, Kawai Kanjiro, and Hamada Shoji the following year, so as to launch Japan’s \"Mingei movement\". Some scholars have noticed that during World War II, Mingei was related to \"life culture\" with fascist ideology, and there was a historical phenomenon that Mingei served politics. This paper attempts to interpret the first-hand texts of Yanagi Sōetsu, Kunio Kishida, and Kiyoshi Miki, discuss how Mingei with a \"healthy\" original intention came into being, and how it gradually became a tool for Japanese fascist aggression and expansion. Mingei originated in the period of \"Taisho Democracy,\" with a strong left-wing flavor in Japanese history. It contains a beautiful vision of making society \"healthy\". It has gained influence with the support of elites, and the Mingei movement has progressed well in rural and urban society. Later, Mingei gradually attracted the attention of the Showa fascist government and was absorbed by the concept of \"life culture\" advocated by the new system in 1940, which was alienated and became a tool for the mobilization of the Japanese fascist war.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126375083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-12DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-51
A. Gasparyan
The article examines the military cooperation between Algeria and Russia, which is of key importance for bilateral relations. The cooperation between the two countries intensified and received a new impetus during the presidency of Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika and Vladimir Putin. In a short time, Algeria became the largest buyer of Russian weapons in the Middle East and North Africa, which, together with the revenues from the sale of oil, strengthened Algeria's position and increased its influence in the region. At the same time, military cooperation with Russia had a significant impact on the development of political relations between the two countries. Algeria gradually became an important strategic partner for Russia in North Africa. In presenting the Russian-Algerian military cooperation, it is important to highlight certain aspects that have had both positive and negative effects on this partnership during different periods. These aspects include a shared desire for strengthening positions, as Russia and Algeria have shown a mutual interest in bolstering their positions and influence in the Middle East and African region; political cooperation and similarity of positions on a number of international issues; and the Russian- Ukrainian war, which had and has some impact on military cooperation.
{"title":"Some Aspects Of The Algerian-Russian Military Cooperation: The Features And Prospects","authors":"A. Gasparyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-51","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the military cooperation between Algeria and Russia, which is of key importance for bilateral relations. The cooperation between the two countries intensified and received a new impetus during the presidency of Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika and Vladimir Putin. In a short time, Algeria became the largest buyer of Russian weapons in the Middle East and North Africa, which, together with the revenues from the sale of oil, strengthened Algeria's position and increased its influence in the region. At the same time, military cooperation with Russia had a significant impact on the development of political relations between the two countries. Algeria gradually became an important strategic partner for Russia in North Africa. In presenting the Russian-Algerian military cooperation, it is important to highlight certain aspects that have had both positive and negative effects on this partnership during different periods. These aspects include a shared desire for strengthening positions, as Russia and Algeria have shown a mutual interest in bolstering their positions and influence in the Middle East and African region; political cooperation and similarity of positions on a number of international issues; and the Russian- Ukrainian war, which had and has some impact on military cooperation.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124156538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-12DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-6
L. Harutyunyan
The paper focuses on the transformations going on in Sunni and Shia communities in Lebanon within the framework of the current changes in the regional balance of power. The analysis of the transformations of the mentioned communities in Lebanon and of their impact on the internal and external levels provides one of the most relevant examples of the "sectarianization" of the Middle East, especially after 2011, which was also characterized by the struggle between Sunnis and Shiites. The confessional contradictions are deeply rooted in Lebanon, based on its confessional political system, but, despite the public rhetoric, both communities tend to have more pragmatic and accommodating attitudes instead of deepening confessional confrontations. While it is true that each community has witnessed the radicalization of certain positions and that, especially after 2011, major changes are taking place, which have been fuelled by the narrative that is mostly emerging at the regional level. Have regional developments influenced the national Lebanese ones? Has confessionalism been used as a tool of realpolitik in Lebanon? These are the main questions that are going to be examined.
{"title":"Sunni And Shia Communities’ Transformations In Lebanon: Changes In The Balance Of Power","authors":"L. Harutyunyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2023.12.1-6","url":null,"abstract":"The paper focuses on the transformations going on in Sunni and Shia communities in Lebanon within the framework of the current changes in the regional balance of power. The analysis of the transformations of the mentioned communities in Lebanon and of their impact on the internal and external levels provides one of the most relevant examples of the \"sectarianization\" of the Middle East, especially after 2011, which was also characterized by the struggle between Sunnis and Shiites. The confessional contradictions are deeply rooted in Lebanon, based on its confessional political system, but, despite the public rhetoric, both communities tend to have more pragmatic and accommodating attitudes instead of deepening confessional confrontations. While it is true that each community has witnessed the radicalization of certain positions and that, especially after 2011, major changes are taking place, which have been fuelled by the narrative that is mostly emerging at the regional level. Have regional developments influenced the national Lebanese ones? Has confessionalism been used as a tool of realpolitik in Lebanon? These are the main questions that are going to be examined.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115233153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-5
L. Hovsepyan
The Syrian conflict became one of the most important directions of Turkey's regional security policy, playing a key role in the redefinition of Ankara's security policy and the expansion of Ankara's power projection area and tools. The military operation "Euphrates Shield" in August 2016 thus became the first attempt at the massive use of the military in regional policy after 1974, which justified the vitality of aggressive initiatives among the ambitious Turkish elite and had a unique domino effect. The purpose of the article is to highlight the domestic factors that supported and conditioned Turkish military operations in Syria, as well as the main objectives pursued. The article contains a case study, the focus of which is Turkey's military operations on Syrian territory and the military-political goals pursued by them. Furthermore, the Turkish domestic factors and transformations that enabled and aided in the implementation and expansion of these military operations are revealed.
{"title":"Turkish Domestic Determinants And Ankara’s Military Operations In Syria: Kurdish Threat And Expansionist Ambitions","authors":"L. Hovsepyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-5","url":null,"abstract":"The Syrian conflict became one of the most important directions of Turkey's regional security policy, playing a key role in the redefinition of Ankara's security policy and the expansion of Ankara's power projection area and tools. The military operation \"Euphrates Shield\" in August 2016 thus became the first attempt at the massive use of the military in regional policy after 1974, which justified the vitality of aggressive initiatives among the ambitious Turkish elite and had a unique domino effect. The purpose of the article is to highlight the domestic factors that supported and conditioned Turkish military operations in Syria, as well as the main objectives pursued. The article contains a case study, the focus of which is Turkey's military operations on Syrian territory and the military-political goals pursued by them. Furthermore, the Turkish domestic factors and transformations that enabled and aided in the implementation and expansion of these military operations are revealed.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125629049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-55
G. Ni
The semiconductor industry is an excellent illustration of the interaction between technology diffusion and power transition. Since the 1960s, there have been three large waves of technology transfer as well as industry transfer in East Asian countries’ semiconductor industry, where the production network acted as an essential nexus. International technology diffusion, whose channels consist of international trade and foreign direct investment, plays a primary role in the formation of the semiconductor production network in East Asia, which has a profound influence on shaping the international power structure. However, the reshaping power structure always attracts the technology exporter’s attention and provokes power competition between the dominant state and the rising power, which in turn casts negative influences on international technology diffusion. Nowadays, the third wave of technology transfer in this field has been ongoing for decades between first-movers and China, while the power competition and the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted the process, which will greatly influence the power distribution in the field of the semiconductor industry and the international power structure
{"title":"Technology Diffusion And Power Transition: The Case Of The Semiconductor Industry In East Asia","authors":"G. Ni","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-55","url":null,"abstract":"The semiconductor industry is an excellent illustration of the interaction \u0000between technology diffusion and power transition. Since the 1960s, there have been \u0000three large waves of technology transfer as well as industry transfer in East Asian \u0000countries’ semiconductor industry, where the production network acted as an essential \u0000nexus. International technology diffusion, whose channels consist of international trade \u0000and foreign direct investment, plays a primary role in the formation of the \u0000semiconductor production network in East Asia, which has a profound influence on \u0000shaping the international power structure. However, the reshaping power structure \u0000always attracts the technology exporter’s attention and provokes power competition \u0000between the dominant state and the rising power, which in turn casts negative \u0000influences on international technology diffusion. Nowadays, the third wave of \u0000technology transfer in this field has been ongoing for decades between first-movers and \u0000China, while the power competition and the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted the \u0000process, which will greatly influence the power distribution in the field of the \u0000semiconductor industry and the international power structure","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126702311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-22
N. Minasyan
The main purpose of the research is to analyze the main document of Turkic integration, "Vision--2040", the directions of integration, Turkish President R. T. Erdogan's initiatives in the direction of Turkic integration and the approaches of Turkic republics. The Turkic integration process is a reality and it is a complete program which includes the political, economic, cultural, security spheres. The research is conducted using the historical analytical method. The research demonstrates that the key structure of Turkic integration is the Organization of Turkic States, and Turkey's goal is not only economic, political and cultural integration, but also strategic and military. Under the leadership of R. T. Erdogan, a lot of work is being done in the direction of Turkic integration and there are some results. The Turkic republics of Central Asia are currently interested in Turkic integration and are participating in that process to some extent.
{"title":"Turkish Initiatives In The Direction Of Turkic Integration: Prerequisites And Tendencies","authors":"N. Minasyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-22","url":null,"abstract":"The main purpose of the research is to analyze the main document of Turkic integration, \"Vision--2040\", the directions of integration, Turkish President R. T. Erdogan's initiatives in the direction of Turkic integration and the approaches of Turkic republics. The Turkic integration process is a reality and it is a complete program which includes the political, economic, cultural, security spheres. The research is conducted using the historical analytical method. The research demonstrates that the key structure of Turkic integration is the Organization of Turkic States, and Turkey's goal is not only economic, political and cultural integration, but also strategic and military. Under the leadership of R. T. Erdogan, a lot of work is being done in the direction of Turkic integration and there are some results. The Turkic republics of Central Asia are currently interested in Turkic integration and are participating in that process to some extent.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125554878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-76
Gasparyan Aram
In 1999, the ratification and implementation of the "Civil Concord" law was a positive initiative, aimed at ending the long-standing "Algerian crisis" and ultimately establishing peace and stability in Algeria. The purpose of the article is to present the political processes prior to the "Law" towards the settlement of the conflict, which later became the basis for the adoption of the "Civil Concord" Law. One of the key issues is to study the positive and negative sides of the "law" and to show the omissions that undermined the legislative initiative of Algerian President Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika. In this regard, we consider it essential to present the inattention, sometimes even neglect, to the problems of ethnic minorities (Berbers, Amazighs) in the process of national reconciliation, which obviously did not contribute to the process of establishing final peace in the country. After a description of the historical context, this article examines the "Civil Concord" law, which had a great impact on the general situation of the country, as Algeria continues to be in a vulnerable situation in economic and social spheres.
{"title":"The “Civil Concord”: Attempt For Peace In Algeria","authors":"Gasparyan Aram","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-76","url":null,"abstract":"In 1999, the ratification and implementation of the \"Civil Concord\" law was \u0000a positive initiative, aimed at ending the long-standing \"Algerian crisis\" and ultimately \u0000establishing peace and stability in Algeria. The purpose of the article is to present the \u0000political processes prior to the \"Law\" towards the settlement of the conflict, which later \u0000became the basis for the adoption of the \"Civil Concord\" Law. One of the key issues is \u0000to study the positive and negative sides of the \"law\" and to show the omissions that \u0000undermined the legislative initiative of Algerian President Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika. In \u0000this regard, we consider it essential to present the inattention, sometimes even neglect, \u0000to the problems of ethnic minorities (Berbers, Amazighs) in the process of national \u0000reconciliation, which obviously did not contribute to the process of establishing final \u0000peace in the country. After a description of the historical context, this article examines \u0000the \"Civil Concord\" law, which had a great impact on the general situation of the \u0000country, as Algeria continues to be in a vulnerable situation in economic and social \u0000spheres.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122245077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-40
Araks Pashayan, Nazeli Navasardyan
The aim of the article is to reveal the changes in socio-political perception of Shīʿa Islam in Azerbaijan by the ruling secular and religious elites, on the one hand, and some circles of the society, on the other hand, as well as to highlight the impact of external factor on the process. The analysis of state-religious relations, the gradual reinforcing of legal regulation of religious activities, and the role of "official Shīʿa Islam" in the state-building process are the objectives of the article. The article argues that the political elite of Azerbaijan, with the support of the religious establishment, institutionally employed the notion of "secularized Shīʿa Islam" as a part of the official interpretation of "Azerbaijani Islam" in shaping national identity, presenting "official Islam" as a key component of the history and culture of the state. The government’s autocratic efforts in preventing foreign religious, particularly Iranian influence are intended to preserve Alievs' authoritarian regime. However, the government failed to completely eradicate the religious and political influence of Iran in Azerbaijan. The state's efforts to institutionalize "Azerbaijani Islam" or "traditional Islam" and neutralize Iranian religious influence remain one of the most painful issues of the authoritarian Azerbaijani regime. There are many circles in Azerbaijani society that adhere to the underground interpretation of Iranian Shiite Islam. Accordingly, there are different approaches to Shīʿa Islam that are incompatible with each other. A special contribution of the article is conceptualizing the state’s antagonistic approach towards Shīʿa religious and civil activism in the country in the most compelling way.
本文的目的是揭示一方面是执政的世俗和宗教精英，另一方面是社会上的一些圈子，在阿塞拜疆对shu - yi Islam的社会政治看法的变化，并强调外部因素对这一过程的影响。分析国家与宗教的关系，逐步加强对宗教活动的法律规制，以及“官方的伊斯兰教”在国家建设过程中的作用是本文的目的。文章认为，阿塞拜疆的政治精英在宗教机构的支持下，制度性地将“世俗化的伊斯兰教”的概念作为“阿塞拜疆伊斯兰教”的官方解释的一部分，以塑造民族认同，将“官方伊斯兰教”呈现为国家历史和文化的关键组成部分。政府在阻止外国宗教，特别是伊朗的影响方面的专制努力是为了维护阿利耶夫的独裁政权。然而，政府未能完全消除伊朗在阿塞拜疆的宗教和政治影响。国家将“阿塞拜疆伊斯兰教”或“传统伊斯兰教”制度化并消除伊朗宗教影响的努力仍然是阿塞拜疆独裁政权最痛苦的问题之一。阿塞拜疆社会中有许多圈子坚持对伊朗什叶派伊斯兰教的地下解释。因此，对伊斯兰教的不同看法是互不相容的。这篇文章的特别贡献在于，以最令人信服的方式，将国家对什叶派宗教和公民活动的敌对态度概念化。
{"title":"Socio-Political Perception Of Shīʿa Islam In Azerbaijan: The Influence Of External Factors","authors":"Araks Pashayan, Nazeli Navasardyan","doi":"10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-40","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-40","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to reveal the changes in socio-political perception of \u0000Shīʿa Islam in Azerbaijan by the ruling secular and religious elites, on the one hand, \u0000and some circles of the society, on the other hand, as well as to highlight the impact of \u0000external factor on the process. The analysis of state-religious relations, the gradual \u0000reinforcing of legal regulation of religious activities, and the role of \"official Shīʿa \u0000Islam\" in the state-building process are the objectives of the article.\u0000The article argues that the political elite of Azerbaijan, with the support of the religious \u0000establishment, institutionally employed the notion of \"secularized Shīʿa Islam\" as a part \u0000of the official interpretation of \"Azerbaijani Islam\" in shaping national identity, \u0000presenting \"official Islam\" as a key component of the history and culture of the state. \u0000The government’s autocratic efforts in preventing foreign religious, particularly \u0000Iranian influence are intended to preserve Alievs' authoritarian regime. However, the \u0000government failed to completely eradicate the religious and political influence of Iran \u0000in Azerbaijan. The state's efforts to institutionalize \"Azerbaijani Islam\" or \"traditional \u0000Islam\" and neutralize Iranian religious influence remain one of the most painful issues \u0000of the authoritarian Azerbaijani regime. There are many circles in Azerbaijani society \u0000that adhere to the underground interpretation of Iranian Shiite Islam. Accordingly, \u0000there are different approaches to Shīʿa Islam that are incompatible with each other. A\u0000special contribution of the article is conceptualizing the state’s antagonistic approach \u0000towards Shīʿa religious and civil activism in the country in the most compelling way.","PeriodicalId":112246,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Eurasia","volume":"49 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127236515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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