{"title":"Careerism, Status Quo Bias, and the Politics of Congressional Apportionment","authors":"Jason M. Roberts","doi":"10.1561/115.00000034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000034","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125068437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A large body of research documents the dominance of homeowners in local politics. There has been little scholarship, however, on the role that voting institutions have played in empowering homeowners from this country’s inception; indeed, most accounts describe property qualifications for voting and officeholding as largely fading from view by the mid-1800s. Combining a novel analysis of state constitutions and constitutional conventions with data on state statutes, this article explores the emergence of property qualifications for voting, with a particular emphasis on their role in local politics. We find that, counter most historical narratives, property requirements persisted well into the 20th century, with almost 90 percent of property requirements restricting voting and officeholding at the local level. Most centered on local bond referenda, school districts, and land use—suggesting that homeowner citizens were granted particular political control over local taxation and public services. These requirements were largely clustered in the American South and West—emerging alongside Jim Crow laws and mass availability of federal public lands—and were not eliminated until the Supreme Court took action. This article illuminates the important role that voting institutions played in linking homeownership with American democratic citizenship, especially at the local level. Thanks to Sarah Anzia, Molly Brady, Mirya Holman, Spencer Piston, Jessica Trounstine, and Vanessa Williamson for helpful advice and feedback. We also greatly appreciate data from Molly Brady, Will Marble, and Clayton Nall. All errors are our own. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Boston University. kleinst@bu.edu. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Boston University. mbpalmer@bu.edu. “Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society.” — James Madison, Federalist 10 “. . . if you own something, you have a vital stake in the future of our country. The more ownership there is in America, the more vitality there is in America, and the more people have a vital stake in the future of this country.” — President George W. Bush, June 17, 20041 Homeowners dominate contemporary local politics. They participate at far higher rates (McCabe 2016; Einstein, Glick and Palmer 2019; Yoder 2020), are electorally powerful (Trounstine 2008; Mullin 2009), and comprise virtually all elected officials—even in cities with large majorities of renters (Einstein, Ornstein and Palmer 2021). Their disproportionate influence comes with stark consequences for American local governments: land use and housing policies that favor the interests of homeowners have spurred high housing costs, sprawling and environmentally destructive land use, racial and economic segregation, and unequal access to high-quality public goods (Mullin 2009; Glaeser 2011; Hsieh and Moretti 2015; McCabe 2016; Trounstine 2018; Einstein, Glick and Palmer 201
大量研究证明了房主在地方政治中的主导地位。然而，从这个国家成立之初，关于投票制度在赋予房主权力方面所起作用的研究却很少;事实上，大多数报道称，到19世纪中期，投票和担任公职的财产资格基本上已经从人们的视野中消失了。结合对州宪法和宪法公约的新颖分析以及州法规的数据，本文探讨了投票财产资格的出现，特别强调了它们在地方政治中的作用。我们发现，与大多数历史叙述相反，财产要求一直持续到20世纪，几乎90%的财产要求限制了地方一级的投票和任职。大多数集中在地方债券公投、学区和土地使用上，这表明有房公民在地方税收和公共服务方面被赋予了特殊的政治控制权。这些要求主要集中在美国南部和西部，与吉姆·克劳法和联邦公共土地的大量可用性一起出现，直到最高法院采取行动才被取消。本文阐明了投票制度在将住房所有权与美国民主公民身份联系起来方面所起的重要作用，特别是在地方一级。感谢Sarah Anzia, Molly Brady, Mirya Holman, Spencer Piston, Jessica Trounstine和Vanessa Williamson提供的有用的建议和反馈。我们也非常感谢Molly Brady, Will Marble和Clayton Nall提供的数据。所有的错误都是我们自己的。波士顿大学政治学系副教授。kleinst@bu.edu。波士顿大学政治学系副教授。mbpalmer@bu.edu。“有产者和无产者在社会上形成了截然不同的利益。——詹姆斯·麦迪逊，《联邦党人》如果你拥有某样东西，你就与我们国家的未来息息相关。美国拥有的自主权越多，美国就越有活力，越多的人与这个国家的未来息息相关。——乔治·w·布什总统，2004.6.17房主主导着当代地方政治。他们的参与率要高得多(McCabe 2016;爱因斯坦，格利克和帕尔默2019;Yoder 2020)，在选举中是强大的(Trounstine 2008;Mullin, 2009)，并且几乎囊括了所有的民选官员——即使在租房者占多数的城市也是如此(Einstein, Ornstein and Palmer, 2021)。他们不成比例的影响力给美国地方政府带来了严重的后果:有利于房主利益的土地使用和住房政策刺激了高住房成本、土地使用的蔓延和对环境的破坏、种族和经济隔离，以及获得高质量公共产品的机会不平等(Mullin 2009;格莱泽2011;Hsieh and Moretti 2015;麦凯布2016;Trounstine 2018;Einstein, Glick and Palmer 2019)。许多探索房主政治权力的研究始于20世纪初，并探讨了他们在政治机器中的作用(Trounstine 2008)，土地使用政治(Burns 1994;费舍尔2001;穆林2009;Oliver, Ha and Callen 2012;Trounstine 2018;Einstein, Glick and Palmer 2019)，以及公共资源的分配(Burns 1994;Trounstine 2018)。但是，很少有人探讨投票制度是如何明确赋予房主权力的，从而在财产所有权和民主公民身份之间建立起不可分割的联系。事实上，地方投票权在很大程度上还没有得到系统的研究。与其他级别的政府一样，地方政府有无数种方式限制选举权，包括限制财产所有者的投票权，举行非周期选举，施加严格的居住要求，以及建立小选区以制造登记障碍(Mullin 2009;Trounstine 2008;Anzia 2014)。然而，只有非周期选举在地方一级被系统地记录和分析(Berry and Gerson 2010;Anzia 2014;Kogan, Lavertu and Peskowitz 2018;Dynes, Hartney and Hayes 2021)。https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2004/08/20040809-9.html
{"title":"Land of the Freeholder: How Property Rights Make Local Voting Rights","authors":"K. Einstein, Maxwell Palmer","doi":"10.1561/115.00000018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000018","url":null,"abstract":"A large body of research documents the dominance of homeowners in local politics. There has been little scholarship, however, on the role that voting institutions have played in empowering homeowners from this country’s inception; indeed, most accounts describe property qualifications for voting and officeholding as largely fading from view by the mid-1800s. Combining a novel analysis of state constitutions and constitutional conventions with data on state statutes, this article explores the emergence of property qualifications for voting, with a particular emphasis on their role in local politics. We find that, counter most historical narratives, property requirements persisted well into the 20th century, with almost 90 percent of property requirements restricting voting and officeholding at the local level. Most centered on local bond referenda, school districts, and land use—suggesting that homeowner citizens were granted particular political control over local taxation and public services. These requirements were largely clustered in the American South and West—emerging alongside Jim Crow laws and mass availability of federal public lands—and were not eliminated until the Supreme Court took action. This article illuminates the important role that voting institutions played in linking homeownership with American democratic citizenship, especially at the local level. Thanks to Sarah Anzia, Molly Brady, Mirya Holman, Spencer Piston, Jessica Trounstine, and Vanessa Williamson for helpful advice and feedback. We also greatly appreciate data from Molly Brady, Will Marble, and Clayton Nall. All errors are our own. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Boston University. kleinst@bu.edu. Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Boston University. mbpalmer@bu.edu. “Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society.” — James Madison, Federalist 10 “. . . if you own something, you have a vital stake in the future of our country. The more ownership there is in America, the more vitality there is in America, and the more people have a vital stake in the future of this country.” — President George W. Bush, June 17, 20041 Homeowners dominate contemporary local politics. They participate at far higher rates (McCabe 2016; Einstein, Glick and Palmer 2019; Yoder 2020), are electorally powerful (Trounstine 2008; Mullin 2009), and comprise virtually all elected officials—even in cities with large majorities of renters (Einstein, Ornstein and Palmer 2021). Their disproportionate influence comes with stark consequences for American local governments: land use and housing policies that favor the interests of homeowners have spurred high housing costs, sprawling and environmentally destructive land use, racial and economic segregation, and unequal access to high-quality public goods (Mullin 2009; Glaeser 2011; Hsieh and Moretti 2015; McCabe 2016; Trounstine 2018; Einstein, Glick and Palmer 201","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127716551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"State Trust Lands and Natural Resource Use in the US Northwest","authors":"E. Alston, Steven M. Smith","doi":"10.1561/115.00000041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000041","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131221366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Congress and the Political Economy of the Indian Removal Act","authors":"J. Jenkins, T. Gray","doi":"10.1561/115.00000052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000052","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115913663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Inequalities in Vote by Mail for Native Americans in the US West: The Historical Political Economy of Postal Service in Northeastern Arizona","authors":"Melissa Rogers, J. Schroedel, Joseph Dietrich","doi":"10.1561/115.00000040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000040","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128717075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Old South, New Deal: How the Legacy of Slavery Undermined the New Deal","authors":"Soumyajit Mazumder","doi":"10.1561/115.00000016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127088424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slavery, Political Attitudes and Social Capital: Evidence from Brazil","authors":"F. Seyler","doi":"10.1561/115.00000014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128139536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Slavery, Elections and Political Affiliations in Colombia","authors":"Ali Ahmed, Marcus Johnson, Mateo Vásquez-Cortés","doi":"10.1561/115.00000011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000011","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"202 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123053719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rivalry and Empire: How Competition among European States Shaped Imperialism","authors":"Jan P. Vogler","doi":"10.1561/115.00000028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000028","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123560546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Library of Babel: How (and How Not) to Use Archival Sources in Political Science","authors":"Alexander Lee","doi":"10.1561/115.00000038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1561/115.00000038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":116801,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125230507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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