This paper argues that the Chinese language has undergone a foot-shift from the Old Chinese monosyllabic foot to a Modern Chinese disyllabic foot. It will be shown that the natural simplification of Old Chinese syllables has caused the foot-shift, resulting in disyllabification. The disappearance of bimoraic feet in Old Chinese has resulted from the loss of consonantal codas, including codas of consonant clusters, which has led to the disappearance of heavy syllables, as well as super-heavy syllables. In other words, this foot-shift can be explained as a compensatory transformation of a heavy Old Chinese dimoraic monosyllable to a pair of light monomoraic disyllables. One way of understanding this evolution is that disyllabification of feet in Modern Chinese is a compensatory mechanism to maintain foot complexity.
{"title":"Foot-shift and disyllabification in the history of Chinese","authors":"Huibin Zhuang, Pusong Zhao, Shengli Feng","doi":"10.1075/lali.00173.zhu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00173.zhu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper argues that the Chinese language has undergone a foot-shift from the Old Chinese monosyllabic foot to a\u0000 Modern Chinese disyllabic foot. It will be shown that the natural simplification of Old Chinese syllables has caused the\u0000 foot-shift, resulting in disyllabification. The disappearance of bimoraic feet in Old Chinese has resulted from the loss of\u0000 consonantal codas, including codas of consonant clusters, which has led to the disappearance of heavy syllables, as well as\u0000 super-heavy syllables. In other words, this foot-shift can be explained as a compensatory transformation of a heavy Old Chinese\u0000 dimoraic monosyllable to a pair of light monomoraic disyllables. One way of understanding this evolution is that disyllabification\u0000 of feet in Modern Chinese is a compensatory mechanism to maintain foot complexity.","PeriodicalId":117772,"journal":{"name":"Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學","volume":"73 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141817667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Jieyang Southern Min dialect, the negative 無 bo55 has evolved into a conjunctive that is used in multiple constructions: negative conditionals, cause and effect, disjunctives, and proposals. This paper aims to describe the multiple functions of 無 bo55 and to construct its grammaticalization path as compared with those of 否則 fouze ‘otherwise or else’, and 要不 yaobu ‘if not’, in Mandarin. It is common in Chinese and other languages for a negative to combine with its adjacent conjunctive to develop a new conjunctive. However, the Jieyang dialect exhibits a unique feature in that 無 bo55 is grammaticalized into a conjunctive per se by applying a complicated process of reasoning involving the logical relations among clauses without the support of any conjunctive constituents. This phenomenon can provide a new model for the study of grammatical evolution.
{"title":"From negative to conjunctive","authors":"Yanxuan Huang, Ruiling Huang, Jiaying Huang","doi":"10.1075/lali.00170.hua","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00170.hua","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In the Jieyang Southern Min dialect, the negative 無 bo55\u0000 has evolved into a conjunctive that is used in multiple constructions: negative conditionals, cause and effect, disjunctives, and proposals. This paper aims to describe the multiple functions of 無 bo55\u0000 and to construct its grammaticalization path as compared with those of 否則 fouze ‘otherwise or else’, and 要不 yaobu ‘if not’, in Mandarin. It is common in Chinese and other languages for a negative to combine with its adjacent conjunctive to develop a new conjunctive. However, the Jieyang dialect exhibits a unique feature in that 無 bo55\u0000 is grammaticalized into a conjunctive per se by applying a complicated process of reasoning involving the logical relations among clauses without the support of any conjunctive constituents. This phenomenon can provide a new model for the study of grammatical evolution.","PeriodicalId":117772,"journal":{"name":"Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學","volume":" November","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141669943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Daniel & Moravcsik (2005)認為連類複數標記與真性複數標記同形的原因在於：連類複數標記由真性複數標記發展而來。本文通過對揭陽閩語的分析，證明存在另一種方向的演變路徑：連類複數標記也可發展為真性複數標記。揭陽閩語中來源於第三人稱代詞複數形式「伊儂」（他們）的複數標記具有雙重標記身份，既可用作連類複數標記後附於指人專有名詞，也可用作真性複數標記後附於指人普通名詞。「伊儂」由連類複數標記演變為真性複數標記的關鍵在於：「親屬類普通名詞+複數標記」結構中的親屬稱謂具有雙重屬性，使得連類複數出現了可分析為真性複數的橋樑語境，「伊儂」的真性複數標記身份由此獲得。本文對於兩類複數之間的關係以及複數標記的歷史演變問題，均具有較為重要的類型學意義。
Daniel & Moravcsik (2005)認為連類複數標記與真性複數標記同形的原因在於：連類複數標記由真性複數標記發展而來。本文通過對揭陽閩語的分析，證明存在另一種方向的演變路徑：連類複數標記也可發展為真性複數標記。揭陽閩語中來源於第三人稱代詞複數形式「伊儂」（他們）的複數標記具有雙重標記身份，既可用作連類複數標記後附於指人專有名詞，也可用作真性複數標記後附於指人普通名詞。「伊儂」由連類複數標記演變為真性複數標記的關鍵在於：「親屬類普通名詞+複數標記」結構中的親屬稱謂具有雙重屬性，使得連類複數出現了可分析為真性複數的橋樑語境，「伊儂」的真性複數標記身份由此獲得。本文對於兩類複數之間的關係以及複數標記的歷史演變問題，均具有較為重要的類型學意義。
{"title":"從連類複數到真性複數","authors":"Ruiling Huang, Yimin Sheng","doi":"10.1075/lali.00161.she","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00161.she","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 Daniel & Moravcsik\u0000 (2005)認為連類複數標記與真性複數標記同形的原因在於：連類複數標記由真性複數標記發展而來。本文通過對揭陽閩語的分析，證明存在另一種方向的演變路徑：連類複數標記也可發展為真性複數標記。揭陽閩語中來源於第三人稱代詞複數形式「伊儂」（他們）的複數標記具有雙重標記身份，既可用作連類複數標記後附於指人專有名詞，也可用作真性複數標記後附於指人普通名詞。「伊儂」由連類複數標記演變為真性複數標記的關鍵在於：「親屬類普通名詞+複數標記」結構中的親屬稱謂具有雙重屬性，使得連類複數出現了可分析為真性複數的橋樑語境，「伊儂」的真性複數標記身份由此獲得。本文對於兩類複數之間的關係以及複數標記的歷史演變問題，均具有較為重要的類型學意義。","PeriodicalId":117772,"journal":{"name":"Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學","volume":"6 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141686130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper provides an intransitive analysis for an array of predicates which exhibit specific marking patterns in Budai Rukai. Contra previous lexical approaches, it is argued that a verbal prefix found on the predicates instantiates a functional head v, which constructs an intransitive vP. Its spell-out form is conditioned by its interaction with other higher functional categories, including tense, causative, passive, and complementizer. With respect to intransitivity, the resulting vP does not admit an accusative object, and it exhibits unergative, unaccusative, and anticausative properties. Regarding argument structure, these predicates are mostly one-place predicates. The sole argument is the grammatical subject which usually denotes an affected theme or an experiencer.
{"title":"Verbal marking, intransitivity, and argument structure","authors":"Cheng-Fu Chen","doi":"10.1075/lali.00164.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00164.che","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper provides an intransitive analysis for an array of predicates which exhibit specific marking patterns in\u0000 Budai Rukai. Contra previous lexical approaches, it is argued that a verbal prefix found on the predicates instantiates a\u0000 functional head v, which constructs an intransitive vP. Its spell-out form is conditioned by its\u0000 interaction with other higher functional categories, including tense, causative, passive, and complementizer. With respect to\u0000 intransitivity, the resulting vP does not admit an accusative object, and it exhibits unergative, unaccusative,\u0000 and anticausative properties. Regarding argument structure, these predicates are mostly one-place predicates. The sole argument is\u0000 the grammatical subject which usually denotes an affected theme or an experiencer.","PeriodicalId":117772,"journal":{"name":"Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學","volume":"04 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140676561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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