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From a Bounded View to a Globalized Perspective: Considerations on a Human Right to Health 从有限的观点到全球化的观点:对健康权的考虑

Philosophy of Globalization

Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1515/9783110492415-011

Julian Velasco

: In this essay, I will argue that even when there are important difficulties concerning the possibility of a human right to health that must be ad-dressed, it is nonetheless a better strategy for promoting global health than the ones relying entirely on States ’ duties or on a duty to charity. The idea that there is such thing as a right to health is very controversial. One of the most important difficulties has been to determine if a right to health can be considered as a human right, as an institutional right or just as a humanitarian charitable cause.Which of these we take it to be will shape the possibility of a global demand for health. The idea that there is such thing as a right to health is very controversial, and “ there is no single universally agreed-upon interpretation of the right to health. of the most important difficulties has been to determine if a right to health can be considered as a human right, as an institutional right or just as a humanitarian charitable cause. Which of these we take it to be will shape the possibility of a global demand for health.

在这篇文章中，我将论证，即使在必须解决健康权的可能性方面存在重大困难时，它仍然是促进全球健康的更好战略，而不是完全依靠国家义务或慈善义务的战略。认为存在健康权的想法是非常有争议的。最重要的困难之一是确定健康权是否可以被视为一项人权、一项体制权利或仅仅是一项人道主义慈善事业。我们选择哪一种将决定全球健康需求的可能性。认为存在健康权这种东西的想法是非常有争议的，而且"对健康权没有一个普遍同意的单一解释。最重要的困难之一是确定健康权是否可以被视为一项人权、一项体制权利或仅仅是一项人道主义慈善事业。我们选择哪一种将决定全球健康需求的可能性。

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Liberalism’s All-inclusive Promise of Freedom and its Illiberal Effects: A Critique of the Concept of Globalization 自由主义对自由的包罗万象的承诺及其非自由的影响:对全球化概念的批判

Philosophy of Globalization

Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1515/9783110492415-006

Constanze Demuth

The narrative of globalization is twofold: it refers to the hope for the export of democratic state forms and values from the Western world to the states of the so-called global south; it also refers to the aim of worldwide economic growth and extension of capitalist ways of production and consumption. But paradigmatic cases of action of democratic liberal states in international politics throw a twilight on this double hope. In certain cases, aggressive interventions of Western democratic states are legitimized using precisely the norms of non-intervention that claim universal validity, but turn out to follow an agenda of particular interests of economy and power. This article argues that these universal norms are not contingently transgressed, but in light of the second paradigm of globalization—of the economic spread of market relations—the process of self-constitution of democratic states here takes not a self-limiting, but an aggressive and exclusive turn. In addition, the so-called ‘new wars’ and ‘failed states’ (apparently opposing phenomena to the international agency of democratic and liberal Western states) show surprising parallels to late modern democratic liberal society. The ‘management of fear’ typical of these political situations aims at a regularization, through internalized habits and attitudes, of the population—including their agreement to the terror regime. In light of these considerations, the relationship between the aims of global growth and global democratization seems highly ambiguous. It is considered to be a distinguishing mark of modern and democratic societies that they limit the use of violence by the state as a means to enforce its authority. Deliberative processes, practices and institutions limit and control as self-government the exercise of the monopoly of power of the state. Thus, democratic government is a continuing self-constitution. Violence/power is used only as counter-violence outwards to defend against outer threats—a use that is in turn controlled by the governmental measuring of its proportionality. The narrative of globalization claims, on the one hand, the substitution of this dichotomy of outside and inside with an extension of the intrastate nonvioConstanze Demuth, Technische Universität Dresden (TUD) OpenAccess. © 2018 Constanze Demuth, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110492415-006 Unauthenticated Download Date | 5/27/19 8:25 PM lent structures, resulting in an increasingly peaceful cooperation of democratic states. On the other hand, it also refers to the spread of capitalist forms of production to a ‘world market’ and the connected economic regulation of social order beyond the borders of nation states. This view is not without a teleology —in fact, it postulates a progress of the political structures of the world including the global south, directed towards peaceful and

此外，也许更重要的是，前者的战争行为标准(例如，在保护平民或战俘方面)并不更高;也就是说，对普遍规范的法律和道德承诺既不能提高民主国家军事行为的质量，也不能提高军事行为的数量。我们如何解释这个假设的失败呢?毫无疑问，声称具有普遍有效性的原则是西方世界日常生活的一面镜子，西方世界将尊重他人作为他者纳入其实践。它正日益转化为自由民主国家的政治结构和制度。包括边缘化和少数群体在内的所有人的参与和尊重的法典化和制度化的理想，要求社区作为社区进行不断的自我构成的民主进程。这一过程是在每个人的审议和参与中进行的。根据定义，这种对过程包容性的规范性承诺具有全球适用性。在国际上，这一主张在国际人道主义法的不干涉原则中得到了编纂。但是，规范层面不仅仅是(正如民主和平理论所主张的那样)指导全球民主化与和平合作的程度和范围的增加。正是将普遍的要求结合起来，创造了一种使侵略非民主国家合法化的新功能。自由主义具有咄咄逼人的一面，即使在援引这些标准的同时，它也恰恰废除了这些标准。Oliver Eberl甚至发现了一种“新自由主义反多元主义”(Eberl 2016, p. 364，我的译本)。他认为它是基督教化和殖民化的继承者。在国际上，自我建构的民主实践是以不民主的他者、非理性的和危险的形象的建构为中介的。这种说法利用并同时违反了具有普遍要求的准则(如上文提到的不干涉国际人道主义法)。它们被重新制定并转化为统治和权力的工具。西方国家作为民主国家的重建和自我肯定正是通过这种排斥发生的。乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)创造的“流氓国家”(rogue state)一词的历史，充分说明了国际法保护动机的借口如何转变为权力利益执行的功能。事实上，在程序性自治增加的民主借口下，国家边界的接受度和相关性正在下降。但是，这种民主立场是与西方世界民主国家发起的和平、全球经济合作的概念相结合的。这第二个方面改变了自由国家过程重构的意义。其结果是在市场理性的条件下合作的典范，提出了对民主化和全球化非暴力关系延伸的假定效果的怀疑。在这里，全球化并没有通过无所不包的政治实践导致日益同质化的世界主义。为了符合民主原则的普遍规范，自由主义对自由的包罗万象的承诺及其非自由的影响，人们被用作由既得利益驱使的排斥、压迫和暴力的合法化工具，他们帮助掩盖了这些既得利益。将这些普遍原则纳入自由和民主国家的政治结构和制度，会带来其自身的压制和压迫倾向，这必须得到反思和批评。在资本主义晚期，对平等和全民参与的民主理想的经济学解释是非常有影响力的。因此，一方面为权力而战，另一方面为合法化而战变得模糊不清。在这里，对所有人的包容意味着利用所有人的贡献和自己激进的排斥。从这种利用中减损的任何部分都被排除在外;它首先被想象为完全的他者，然后在所有概念层面上被想象为被排除在人性和理性之外。这就不可能有个人和集体“代理人”的概念，武装冲突的规则和自治自治的权利不适用于这些人。“新战争”和“失败国家”——是国家能力失调的案例，还是新自由主义监管形式的极端例子?我现在想看看所谓的“新战争”及其与全球化的关系。新战争通常被认为是全球化世界的一种外围现象——一种完全不规则的战争活动形式。国际政治理论倾向于将这些现象描述为功能失调的例外，与具有雄心勃勃的规范的民主国家能力形成对比。但这种说法忽视了甚至掩盖了《新战争》在20世纪60年代的典型特征

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Urban Globalization and its Historicity: The Case of the Global Sanitary City in Mexico in the Nineteenth Century 城市全球化及其历史性:以19世纪墨西哥的全球卫生城市为例

Philosophy of Globalization

Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1515/9783110492415-017

S. Pacheco

Medicine and sanitary engineering were applied gradually during the nineteenth century as solutions to the terrible conditions of life and habitat that prevailed in the cities of the capitalist world—but also with the purpose of regenerating the human work force necessary to reproduce wealth. This essay shows how this global sanitarian effort was applied in Mexico City during the government of President Porfirio Díaz (1876– 1880, 1884– 1910), exemplifying the conceptions and prejudices about health, disease, environment and urban government shared by Mexican elites and their international peers, and with which they justified reforms aimed at controlling and disciplining nature and the social environment. During the inaugural ceremony of the Mexico Valley drainage system on March 17, 1900, Mexico’s president General Porfirio Díaz—on his fifth term in office—declared it “such an important and transcendent occasion for our future that it has to be registered in the annals of the Mexican people beside and at the same level of our independence day” (“Una de las más grandes fiestas del progreso. Inauguración de las obras del Desagüe”, El Popular, México City, 19/3/1900). The Drainage Project, set out in 1886, consisted of a main conduit 47.58 km long and between 5 and 21 meters in depth, which spanned from the San Lázaro gate through the Guadalupe range towards Lake Texcoco, where it twisted towards the west, traversing diagonally Lake San Cristóbal and a portion of Lakes Xaltocan and Zumpango, to finally connect to the ovoid (10,021 meters long, 4.28 meters high and 27–98 meters deep) Tequisquiac tunnel, through which the waters flowed through the Tequisquiac river and finally to Atilalaquia, to be used to generate power and irrigate land in Actopan, in Hidalgo state. Residual waters went to the Tula River, a branch of the Pánuco River, from which it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico, south of Tampico. Its main goal was apparently to get Mexico City’s water and sewage out of the valley, while preserving the valley’s drinkable water. Sergio Miranda Pacheco, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) OpenAccess. © 2018 Sergio Miranda Pacheco, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110492415-017 In the mindset of the Mexican president, the significance of such a gigantic hydraulic infrastructure being tantamount to that of Mexico’s independence, doubtless stemmed from the fact that both enterprises had liberated the Mexican people from, on the one hand, oppression from the Spanish Empire and, on the other hand, from material harm to its health and prized possessions from the constant flooding that for centuries ravaged Mexico City and other nearby valley communities. Consequently, from this standpoint, at the onset of the twentieth century, Mexicans faced a very promising future: they belonged to a sovereign and independent nation, and und

正如布鲁诺•拉图尔(Bruno Latour)所言，到本世纪中叶，健康与财富之间的斗争已经达到了一个临界点:人类生命作为财富生产燃料的消耗，首先在英国城市，随后在其他欧洲城市，导致了一场真正的能源危机。正如人们常说的那样，男人的素质很差。不能再这样下去了。城市不能再是死刑室和下水道，穷人也不能继续生活在悲惨、无知、被害虫和有传染性的流浪者包围的环境中。重新激活和扩大剥削(或繁荣，就此而言)需要受过更好教育和更干净的人口，就像塞尔吉奥·米兰达·帕切科一样

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