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A Relational Approach to Law and Its Core Concepts 关系法及其核心概念
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.4
Jennifer Nedelsky
This introduction to relational feminism builds on Nedelsky’s approach in which relationships are central to all human beings, not just to women. A relational approach to law provides both a clearer analysis of what is at stake in disputes over law and policy and a framework for assessing proposals for change. The basic claims are that relationships make possible the lived reality of values like security or autonomy, and law is one of the primary means of shaping relationships. Relational feminism reconceptualizes core concepts, like autonomy; links them to underlying conceptions of the self; and explains their role in law. The examples show the benefit of a relational approach to self, autonomy, and rights (and law more broadly). From questions of hierarchy and racism to environmental harm to mental health and a reconceptualization of property, the chapter works through the application of a relational approach.
对关系女权主义的介绍建立在Nedelsky的方法之上,在这个方法中,关系对所有人都是核心的,而不仅仅是对女性。关系型的法律方法既能更清楚地分析法律和政策争端中的利害关系,又能提供一个评估变革建议的框架。其基本主张是,关系使安全或自治等价值的生活现实成为可能,而法律是塑造关系的主要手段之一。关系女性主义重新定义了核心概念,比如自主权;将它们与潜在的自我概念联系起来;并解释了它们在法律上的作用。这些示例展示了关系方法对自我、自治和权利(以及更广泛的法律)的好处。从等级制度和种族主义问题到环境危害到心理健康和财产的重新概念化,本章通过应用关系方法进行工作。
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引用次数: 0
Gender Disruption, Amelioration, and Transformation 性别破坏、改善和转型
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.7
Rosalind Dixon, Amelia Loughland
American legal feminism has many different variants, each offering important insights. The danger, however, is that this complexity to feminist legal thought may cause some lawyers and scholars to “tune out” to feminist insights. We provide a way of understanding these various insights, which acknowledges their complexity but seeks to make them more accessible. To do so, we propose the idea of feminist “disruption,” “amelioration,” and “transformation” as organizing principles that underpin feminist thought, in different ways and to different degrees, but which provide a common language for understanding new and older feminisms. We illustrate this approach, and its potential benefits, through the lens of a feminist analysis of COVID-19 and its impact.
美国法律女权主义有许多不同的变体,每一种都提供了重要的见解。然而,危险在于,女权主义法律思想的这种复杂性可能会导致一些律师和学者对女权主义的见解“视而不见”。我们提供了一种理解这些不同见解的方法,这种方法承认它们的复杂性,但力求使它们更容易理解。为此,我们提出女权主义的“破坏”、“改良”和“转变”的概念,作为支撑女权主义思想的组织原则,以不同的方式和不同的程度,但这为理解新的和旧的女权主义提供了一种共同的语言。我们通过对COVID-19及其影响的女权主义分析来说明这种方法及其潜在好处。
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引用次数: 0
Backlash Against Feminism 反对女权主义
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.19
Sally J. Kenney
Backlash is a reaction to real or perceived change, leaving progressives worse off by catalyzing conservatives to oppose change by changing their opinions to be more negative, holding opposing views more deeply, or taking action, including violence, when they would not have otherwise. The claim that progressive social change has been counterproductive is an empirical one, but too often those diagnosing backlash fail to distinguish what is truly a measurable setback from the fierce countermobilization of preexisting opponents who are losing ground. Progressives themselves have famously warned against using courts in particular to advance the causes of civil rights, gender equality, or gay rights, yet careful examination reveals no regression in response to legal progress. Once we complicate a simple linear understanding of progress, think about gender inequality intersectionally, and add an analysis of discursive countermobilizations to simple empirical measures of progress, we must conclude the implicit baggage the concept carries outweighs its usefulness.
反弹是对真实的或感知到的变化的反应,通过将保守派的观点变得更消极,更深刻地持反对意见,或在他们不会采取其他行动时采取行动,包括暴力,催化保守派反对变化,从而使进步人士处境更糟。渐进式社会变革产生了反作用的说法是经验性的,但那些诊断反弹的人往往无法区分什么是真正可衡量的挫折,以及对正在失去优势的先前反对者的激烈反击。进步人士自己也曾发出著名的警告,反对利用法院来推进民权事业、性别平等或同性恋权利,但仔细研究就会发现,法律进步并没有倒退。一旦我们将对进步的简单线性理解复杂化,将性别不平等交叉思考,并将话语反动员的分析添加到对进步的简单经验测量中,我们必须得出结论,这个概念所隐含的包袱超过了它的有用性。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Feminist Jurisprudence 自由女性主义法学
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.2
L. Mcclain, Brittany K. Hacker
Liberal feminism remains a significant strand of feminist jurisprudence in the United States. Rooted in nineteenth- and twentieth-century liberal and feminist political theory and women’s rights advocacy, it emphasizes autonomy, dignity, and equality. Liberal feminism challenges unjust gender-based restrictions based on assumptions about men’s and women’s proper spheres and roles. Second-wave liberal legal feminism, evident in Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s constitutional litigation, challenged pervasive sex-based discrimination in law and social institutions and shifted the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Equal Protection Clause to a more skeptical review of gender-based classifications. Liberal feminists have developed robust conceptions of autonomy, liberty, privacy, and governmental obligations to promote gender equality, including in the family. Addressing internal feminist critiques, liberal feminism shows the capacity to evolve. Maintaining its focus on disrupting traditionally conceived gender roles and fostering meaningful autonomy, it adopts more a complex, nuanced discourse about sex, gender, and the gender binary and embraces new demands for inclusion and equality.
自由女权主义至今仍是美国女权主义法学的重要分支。它植根于19世纪和20世纪的自由主义和女权主义政治理论以及妇女权利倡导,强调自主、尊严和平等。自由女权主义挑战基于性别的不公正限制,这些限制是基于对男性和女性适当领域和角色的假设。在露丝·巴德·金斯伯格(Ruth Bader Ginsburg)的宪法诉讼中,第二波自由主义法律女权主义挑战了法律和社会制度中普遍存在的基于性别的歧视,并将最高法院对平等保护条款的解释转变为对基于性别的分类进行更持怀疑态度的审查。自由女权主义者已经发展出了自主、自由、隐私和政府义务等强有力的概念,以促进性别平等,包括在家庭中。针对女权主义内部的批评,自由主义女权主义显示出发展的能力。它继续专注于打破传统观念中的性别角色,培养有意义的自主性,采用了更复杂、更微妙的关于性、性别和性别二元的话语,并接受了对包容和平等的新要求。
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引用次数: 0
Contract’s Influence on Feminism and Vice Versa 契约对女性主义的影响及其对女性主义的影响
Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.39
Martha M. Ertman
Feminist legal theory has both embraced and rejected contract. While contract-based conceptual and doctrinal tools have improved women’s economic and social status, feminists also critique contract-based reforms for colluding with hierarchies of gender, race and class. This chapter charts influential work on both sides of the contract debate and identifies a third approach that sees contract as a mechanism for law to move away from a hierarchal regime by stopping at a contractual way station en route to a more equal system of public ordering. It concludes by identifying ways that feminist legal theorists have injected feminist insights into traditional contract law via doctrines such as good faith in employment contracts, debtor rights in lending relationships, and defenses including unconscionability and duress.
女性主义法律理论既拥护契约,也反对契约。虽然基于契约的概念和理论工具提高了女性的经济和社会地位,但女权主义者也批评基于契约的改革与性别、种族和阶级的等级制度相勾结。本章列举了合同辩论双方的有影响力的工作,并确定了第三种方法,该方法将合同视为法律的一种机制,通过在通往更平等的公共秩序体系的途中停留在合同的中转站,从而摆脱等级制度。最后,它确定了女权主义法律理论家通过诸如雇佣合同中的诚信、借贷关系中的债务人权利以及包括不合理和胁迫在内的抗辩等理论,将女权主义见解注入传统合同法的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Judging 女权主义的判断
Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.32
Kristin Kalsem
Since the 1980s, feminists have been theorizing about what feminism means and should mean in the context of judging. Different philosophies have informed scholarly and advocacy efforts to address institutional gender bias in the courts, with priorities and strategies shifting over time. Initiatives have expanded to include calls for greater diversity on the bench and improving the process of dispensing justice. This chapter begins by canvassing multiple reasons why more “outsider” judges, marked by gender, race, ethnicity, and other marginalized identities, are desirable. It then examines the ideal of “feminist judging,” concluding with two recent scholarly projects that integrate feminist judging into real-world practices of the judiciary. One project involves training judges using methods of legal participatory action research, a community-based research paradigm that takes a bottom-up approach; the other Feminist Judgments project reimagines landmark legal cases through the rewriting of judicial opinions from feminist perspectives.
自20世纪80年代以来,女权主义者一直在理论化女权主义在评判背景下意味着什么以及应该意味着什么。不同的哲学为学术和倡导工作提供了信息,以解决法院中的制度性性别偏见,优先事项和策略随着时间的推移而变化。倡议已经扩大到包括要求法官更多样化和改进司法程序。这一章首先讨论了为什么需要更多以性别、种族、民族和其他边缘身份为标志的“局外人”法官的多种原因。然后,它考察了“女权主义审判”的理想,并以最近的两个将女权主义审判融入现实世界司法实践的学术项目作为结论。一个项目涉及使用法律参与性行动研究方法培训法官,这是一种自下而上的社区研究范式;其他女权主义判决项目通过从女权主义角度重写司法意见来重新想象具有里程碑意义的法律案件。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Battered Women’s Syndrome 超越受虐妇女综合症
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.24
S. Buel
Feminist jurisprudence has amplified the voices of gender violence survivors long silenced by trauma and male-biased legal doctrine. In critiquing self-defense law’s treatment of survivors, some feminists pressed for recognition of a distinctive set of characteristics purportedly associated with survivors, termed “battered woman syndrome” (BWS). Intended to ameliorate the harsh effects of criminal law on survivors, BWS sought to explain why battered women responded as they did in terms that judges and juries might better relate to the legal requirements for self-defense. One argument is that the law of self-defense must be further recalibrated—beyond the problematic, operative lens of BWS—to better protect those who engage in survival crime. By instead utilizing “battering and its effects” as the framework for relevant evidence, the criminal justice system could become more responsive to survivors. Even beyond recalibrating the law of self-defense to better suit survivors, legal stakeholders can learn much from activists and feminist legal theory about pursuing gender and racial justice, by embracing diverse lenses to actually hear the raced, classed, and gendered narratives of survivors’ lives. Despite missteps with the development of BWS, feminist jurisprudence is gradually increasing understanding of, and empathy for, survival crime.
女权主义法理学放大了性别暴力幸存者的声音,他们长期以来因创伤和男性偏见的法律理论而沉默。在批评自卫法对幸存者的待遇时,一些女权主义者要求承认据称与幸存者有关的一系列独特特征,称为“受虐妇女综合症”(BWS)。为了改善刑法对幸存者的严酷影响,BWS试图从法官和陪审团可能更好地将自卫的法律要求联系起来的角度来解释为什么受虐妇女会做出这样的反应。有一种观点认为,自卫的法律必须进一步重新调整,以更好地保护那些从事生存犯罪的人。相反,利用“殴打及其影响”作为相关证据的框架,刑事司法系统可以对幸存者作出更积极的回应。甚至除了重新调整自卫法以更好地适应幸存者之外,法律利益相关者还可以从积极分子和女权主义法律理论中学到很多关于追求性别和种族正义的东西,通过采用不同的视角来真正听到幸存者生活中种族、阶级和性别的叙述。尽管在BWS的发展过程中出现了一些失误,但女性主义法理学正在逐渐增加对生存犯罪的理解和同情。
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引用次数: 0
Feminism, Privacy, and Law in Cyberspace 网络空间中的女权主义、隐私和法律
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.36
M. Gilman
Feminism has long centered on breaking down the public and private divide that traditionally organized social relations and subordinated women. Privacy is lauded for giving women space for self-determination, but it is also criticized for creating spaces where patriarchy and misogyny can flourish unchecked. Cyberspace heightens the stakes of this tension because it creates almost limitless access to people’s personal data. We live in a datafied society powered by digital profiling, automated decisionmaking, and surveillance systems in which we no longer control our personal data; rather, it is used to control us. Women face multiple, gendered harms in cyberspace, including online harassment, digital discrimination, and sexual surveillance by the “femtech” industry. Yet the United States lacks comprehensive privacy laws, and its analog-era antidiscrimination statutes are no match for the digital world. American privacy protections hinge upon a notice-and-consent regime that puts the onus on users to protect their privacy rather than the entities that benefit from gathering individual’s personal data. Women and other marginalized people have suffered through a loss of privacy in the digital age, but activists have made efforts to ameliorate the harms of cyberspace and to shape privacy norms in a feminist and inclusive manner. It is important to understand the meaning of privacy through four waves of feminist theorizing and activism, to analyze how American privacy law responds to major gender equity challenges in cyberspace, and to examine current feminist theories and models of resistance.
长期以来,女权主义一直致力于打破公共和私人的分裂,这种分裂传统上组织了社会关系,使妇女处于从属地位。隐私因给予女性自我决定的空间而受到称赞,但也因为父权制和厌女症肆意滋生创造了空间而受到批评。网络空间加剧了这种紧张关系,因为它几乎可以无限制地获取人们的个人数据。我们生活在一个由数字分析、自动化决策和监控系统驱动的数据化社会,在这些系统中,我们不再控制自己的个人数据;相反,它被用来控制我们。女性在网络空间面临多重性别伤害,包括网络骚扰、数字歧视和“女性科技”行业的性监控。然而,美国缺乏全面的隐私法,其模拟时代的反歧视法规也无法与数字世界相提并论。美国的隐私保护依赖于一种通知和同意的制度,这种制度把保护隐私的责任推给了用户,而不是从收集个人数据中受益的实体。女性和其他边缘人群在数字时代遭受了隐私丧失的痛苦,但活动人士一直在努力改善网络空间的危害,并以女权主义和包容的方式塑造隐私规范。通过女权主义理论化和行动主义的四波浪潮来理解隐私的意义,分析美国隐私法如何应对网络空间中主要的性别平等挑战,并审视当前的女权主义理论和抵抗模式是很重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Sexual Harassment 性骚扰
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.22
Theresa M. Beiner
This chapter explores the origins, development, and current status of workplace sexual harassment law. Sexual harassment law owes its genesis to a combination of grass-roots feminist organizing and legal feminist theorizing. After initial losses in the courts, feminist lawyers and their clients scored significant victories in the court system. Employers and those accused of discrimination soon fought back, including by participating in the development of an extensive system of training and anti-sexual harassment policies that have not proven helpful to targets of sexual harassment. Feminist legal scholars have offered critiques of the courts’ decisions, taking a variety of approaches to increasing the law’s efficacy and extending its reach to encompass the experiences of men, women of color, and sexual minorities. Yet, plaintiffs using Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the main federal antidiscrimination statute applicable to sex discrimination in employment, continue to find themselves thrust out of court due to formalistic rules developed in the court system. This has led other scholars to suggest different legal approaches to address this persistent and disturbing form of workplace discrimination. Whether current grass-roots campaigns like the #MeToo movement will prove more effective than prior legal efforts remains to be seen.
本章探讨了职场性骚扰法的起源、发展和现状。性骚扰法的产生是草根女权主义组织与法律女权主义理论化相结合的结果。最初在法庭上败诉后,女权主义律师及其客户在法庭系统中取得了重大胜利。雇主和那些被指控歧视的人很快就进行了反击,包括参与制定了一个广泛的培训体系和反性骚扰政策,但事实证明,这些政策对性骚扰的目标没有帮助。女权主义法律学者对法院的判决提出了批评,他们采取了各种方法来提高该法的效力,并将其范围扩大到包括男性、有色人种女性和性少数群体的经历。然而,原告使用《1964年民权法案》第七章(适用于就业性别歧视的主要联邦反歧视法规)继续发现,由于法院系统中制定的形式主义规则,他们被赶出了法庭。这导致其他学者提出了不同的法律途径来解决这种持续存在的、令人不安的工作场所歧视形式。目前像#MeToo运动这样的草根运动是否会比之前的法律努力更有效,还有待观察。
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引用次数: 0
Constitutionalizing Reproductive Rights (and Justice) 将生殖权利(和司法)宪法化
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197519998.013.17
Melissa E. Murray, Hilarie Meyers
In Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade, the U.S. Supreme Court framed constitutional protections for reproductive rights around the right to privacy. But the Court’s emphasis on privacy was not inevitable. Rather, in the 1960s and 1970s, advocates challenging laws prohibiting contraception and abortion offered a wide range of constitutional grounds in which to root reproductive freedom, including claims of race, class, and sex inequality. Nevertheless, mainstream reproductive rights groups reiterated Griswold and Roe’s privacy logic in their advocacy efforts, further entrenching the rhetoric of privacy, individual choice, and negative rights. However, advocates on the ground sought to recuperate the concerns of race, sex, and class inequality that had previously marked reproductive rights advocacy, and by the 1990s, the reproductive justice movement had emerged as a counterpoint to the traditional reproductive rights framework. Over time, the intersectional elements of the reproductive justice movement have infiltrated mainstream reproductive rights advocacy, widening the range and scope of reproductive rights discourse. But critically, as aspects of reproductive justice have been integrated into mainstream reproductive rights discourse, those opposed to reproductive rights—from antiabortion groups to members of the Supreme Court—have sought to coopt the reproductive justice movement’s rhetoric for their own purposes. Rather than viewing access to abortion and contraception as essential to women’s equality, this new conservative discourse argues that reproductive rights are rooted in, and function as, tools of, race, sex, class, and disability-based inequality and injustice.
在格里斯沃尔德诉康涅狄格州案和罗伊诉韦德案中,美国最高法院围绕隐私权为生殖权利制定了宪法保护。但最高法院对隐私的强调并非不可避免。相反,在20世纪60年代和70年代,反对禁止避孕和堕胎的法律的倡导者提供了广泛的宪法依据,其中包括种族,阶级和性别不平等的主张。然而,主流的生殖权利组织在他们的倡导工作中重申了格里斯沃尔德和罗伊的隐私逻辑,进一步巩固了隐私、个人选择和消极权利的修辞。然而,当地的倡导者试图恢复对种族,性别和阶级不平等的关注,这些问题以前标志着生殖权利的倡导,到20世纪90年代,生殖正义运动已经成为传统生殖权利框架的对位。随着时间的推移,生殖正义运动的交叉要素已经渗透到主流生殖权利倡导中,扩大了生殖权利话语的范围和范围。但关键的是,随着生殖正义的各个方面被纳入主流的生殖权利话语,那些反对生殖权利的人——从反堕胎团体到最高法院的成员——都试图利用生殖正义运动的言论来达到自己的目的。这种新的保守主义话语并没有将堕胎和避孕视为女性平等的必要条件,而是认为生殖权利根植于种族、性别、阶级和残疾的不平等和不公正,并发挥着工具的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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The Oxford Handbook of Feminism and Law in the United States
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