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How China’s Supreme People’s Court Supports the Development of Foreign-Related Rule of Law 中国最高人民法院如何支持涉外法治发展
Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-08010001
Susan Finder
This article provides a detailed analysis of the evolution of the role of the Supreme People’s Court (spc) in the Xi Jinping era, examining functions little explored in scholarship. It explains how and why the spc supports national strategies, focusing on the development of “foreign-related rule of law” through multiple “active” functions. It explores that work in the context of strengthened Communist Party leadership of the courts and other legal institutions. The article examines the spc’s functions of “policy-making,” “law-making,” case hearing, and coordinating and cooperating with central Party and state institutions and how they are used to support the development of “foreign-related rule of law.” The discussion of those functions also illustrates the impact of strengthened Communist Party leadership. The Politburo’s 2023 collective study session on foreign-related rule of law signals that the spc’s foreign-related judicial expertise as exercised through its multiple functions is crucially important to the Party leadership. The article illustrates one aspect of the unique role of the spc as China’s highest court in its dynamic political-legal system and the way in which it supports evolving national strategies and the implementation of fundamental policies.
本文详细分析了最高人民法院(spc)在习近平时代的角色演变,研究了学术界鲜有探讨的职能。文章解释了最高人民法院如何以及为何支持国家战略,重点是通过多种 "积极 "职能发展 "涉外法治"。文章在共产党加强对法院和其他法律机构领导的背景下探讨了这项工作。文章探讨了国家外汇管理局的 "政策制定"、"法律制定"、案件审理、与党和国家中央机构的协调与合作等职能,以及如何利用这些职能支持 "涉外法治 "的发展。对这些职能的讨论也说明了加强共产党领导的影响。中央政治局 2023 年涉外法治集体学习会议表明,国家外国专家局通过其多重职能发挥的涉外司法专长对于党的领导至关重要。文章从一个侧面说明了最高人民法院作为中国最高法院在中国动态政治法律体系中的独特作用,以及其支持不断发展的国家战略和基本政策实施的方式。
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引用次数: 0
The Changing Role of the Police in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1966 中华人民共和国警察角色的转变,1949-1966 年
Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07020005
Juan Wang
In mid-1966, the police in China reportedly assisted mass killings of “class enemies” or showed indifference to such events when they were enacted by others. Why did the police, as a coercive apparatus of the communist regime, not execute these class enemies, as they had done between 1949 and 1957 in the movements to suppress and eliminate counterrevolutionaries? And why did the police, as a state organ for maintaining public order, not take action to prevent or halt these killings? Drawing primarily on original archival documents, this article studies the evolving role of the police and its shifting priorities between 1949 and 1966. It shows that, after an initial expansion followed by a partial contraction, official police responsibilities transitioned from enforcing selective punishment and maintaining public order to assisting or overlooking revolutionary violence.
据报道,在1966年中期,中国警察协助大规模屠杀“阶级敌人”,或者对他人实施的此类事件漠不关心。警察作为共产党政权的强制工具,为什么不像1949年至1957年在镇压和消灭反革命运动中那样,处决这些阶级敌人呢?为什么警察作为维持公共秩序的国家机关,没有采取行动防止或制止这些杀戮?本文主要以原始档案文件为基础,研究了1949年至1966年间警察角色的演变及其优先事项的变化。它表明,经过最初的扩张和随后的部分收缩,官方警察的职责从执行选择性惩罚和维持公共秩序过渡到协助或监督革命暴力。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Transition to Collective Labor Relations: Top-Down and Bottom-Up Mechanisms 中国向集体劳动关系的转型:自上而下与自下而上的机制
Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07020003
Chang Kai
Abstract The article analyzes the development, characteristics, and tendency of China’s labor relations and the labor movement in recent years. It points out that China has begun the transition from individual labor relations to collective labor relations with the strike wave in the summer of 2010 as the main turning point. In the process of transformation, there are two kinds of forces and two ways to accomplish the labor movement. One is the top-down labor union movement led by the authorities within the system; the other is the bottom-up labor movement formed spontaneously by workers outside the system. The article particularly analyzes the emergence of, and mutual relationship between these two types of transition, as well as their influence and significance on China’s labor relations.
摘要本文分析了近年来中国劳动关系和劳工运动的发展、特点和趋势。文章指出,以2010年夏季的罢工浪潮为主要转折点,中国已经开始了从个体劳动关系向集体劳动关系的转变。在转型过程中,有两种力量和两种方式来完成工人运动。一是体制内当局主导的自上而下的工会运动;另一种是体制外工人自发形成的自下而上的工人运动。本文着重分析了这两种转型的产生和相互关系,以及它们对中国劳动关系的影响和意义。
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引用次数: 1
Editorial Introduction to the Special Issue on Labor Law in China 《中国劳动法》专刊编辑导言
Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07020001
Mary E. Gallagher
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引用次数: 0
Labor Legislation in China: Cyclical Competition between the State and the Market 中国的劳动立法:国家与市场的循环竞争
Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07020002
Dong Baohua
Abstract China’s first labor law was passed in 1995 in order to protect the legitimate rights and interests of laborers. It also was the superstructure created to match the developing labor market and employment reform of the Reform Era by “establishing and safeguarding the labor system suited to the socialist market economy.” In 2007, the prc then passed the second foundational labor law, the Labor Contract Law, which took as its purpose the establishment and development of harmonious and stable labor relations. A major distinction between these two laws is that the 1995 Labor Law emphasized market-oriented flexibility while the 2008 Labor Contract Law, by strengthening the role of labor regulation, emphasizes a state-oriented stability. Since the 2008 lcl , all labor legislation and amendments have those two laws as their origin, creating cycles between reliance on the bottom-up spontaneous power of the market and the top-down regulatory power of the state. So far, there have been 3 cycles of legislation and revision of China’s labor legislation; each five years apart in 2008, 2013, and 2018. This cyclical contest reveals the basic realities of China’s political economy. I use the last twenty years of data on labor disputes to highlight the cyclical nature of China’s labor legislation and the social and political forces that drive these cycles.
为了保护劳动者的合法权益,中国于1995年通过了第一部劳动法。它也是通过“建立和维护与社会主义市场经济相适应的劳动制度”,为适应改革时代不断发展的劳动力市场和就业改革而建立的上层建筑。2007年,我国又通过了第二部基础性劳动法律《劳动合同法》,确立了建立和发展和谐稳定的劳动关系的宗旨。这两部法律的主要区别在于,1995年的《劳动法》强调以市场为导向的灵活性,而2008年的《劳动合同法》通过加强劳动调节的作用,强调以国家为导向的稳定性。自2008年以来,所有的劳动立法和修正案都以这两部法律为渊源,在依赖自下而上的市场自发力量和自上而下的国家监管力量之间形成了循环。迄今为止,中国劳动立法共经历了3次立法与修订周期;每隔五年分别是2008年、2013年和2018年。这种周期性的竞争揭示了中国政治经济的基本现实。我用过去二十年的劳动争议数据来强调中国劳动立法的周期性以及推动这些周期的社会和政治力量。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07010000
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引用次数: 0
Power and Space Production: A Bourdieusian Approach to Environmental Law and Inspection in China 权力与空间生产:中国环境法与环境监察的布尔迪厄主义视角
Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-07010004
L. Ye
The most important tool or institution that the Chinese state has used since 2002 to address environmental pollution, relying on its power to force compliance by local polluters and cadres, is environmental inspection. This article proposes a Bourdieusian approach for analyzing environmental inspection by considering the symbolic power of the state and the local effects of inspections at different levels of government, which have seldom been explored in the literature. We use this approach to examine four propositions with a sample comprising ninety-nine inspections in city H. First, inspectors use both the objective and symbolic power of the state in inspections. Second, inspectors at lower levels in the bureaucratic hierarchy have less objective and symbolic power in confronting local cadres and polluters. Third, local environmental protection changes physical space (e.g., landscape), social space (e.g., relations between cadres and polluters), and mental space (e.g., environmental perceptions). Fourth, inspectors with more power produce larger spaces for environmental protection. Through using this approach, we offer insights into how the Chinese state uses inspection to mobilize local societies to address social or governance crises.
自2002年以来,中国政府在解决环境污染问题上使用的最重要的工具或制度是环境检查,它依靠权力迫使地方污染者和干部遵守规定。本文提出了一种布尔迪厄的方法,通过考虑国家的象征权力和各级政府检查的地方效果来分析环境检查,这在文献中很少被探讨。我们使用这种方法来检验四个命题,其中包括h市的99个检查样本。首先,检查人员在检查中使用了国家的客观权力和象征性权力。其次,在面对地方干部和污染者时,官僚层级中较低层次的检查员缺乏客观和象征性的权力。第三,地方环境保护改变了物质空间(如景观)、社会空间(如干部与污染者的关系)和精神空间(如环境观念)。四是督察权力越大,环保空间越大。通过使用这种方法,我们可以深入了解中国政府如何利用检查来动员地方社会解决社会或治理危机。
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引用次数: 0
Basket Case: Reform and China’s Social Credit Law 《烂摊子:改革与中国社会信用法》
Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-06020003
Adam Knight
Abstract The social credit system ( scs ) has become a cornerstone of China’s drive toward informatization in pursuit of its governance goals. Its definition and scope, two decades in the making, have evolved dramatically over time, however. What began as a financial tool for the stimulation of market-based activity has been applied in a broader regulatory context as well as in the propagation of a state-arbitered moral-legal agenda. Layered on top of these sometimes conflicting ambitions has been a persistent tension in central-local implementation, further complicating rollout of the system. Domestic criticism of the scs in policy and academic circles has led to a clamor for reform, culminating in the publication of a number of clarificatory documents, including a draft version of a Social Credit Law in November 2022. This article provides a genealogy of this new law, exploring the origins and evolution of the scs and its governing legal logic.
社会信用体系(scs)已经成为中国在追求治理目标的过程中推动信息化的基石。然而,它的定义和范围,经过20年的酝酿,随着时间的推移发生了巨大的变化。最初作为刺激市场活动的金融工具,已被应用于更广泛的监管背景,以及国家主导的道德-法律议程的传播。在这些有时相互冲突的目标之上,中央和地方之间的执行一直存在紧张关系,这进一步使该系统的推出复杂化。国内政策和学术界对社会信用体系的批评导致了改革的呼声,最终导致了一系列澄清性文件的发布,包括2022年11月出台的《社会信用法》草案。本文提供了这一新法律的谱系,探讨了scs的起源和演变及其支配法律逻辑。
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引用次数: 0
Smart Governance in China’s Political-Legal System 中国政法体系中的智慧治理
Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-06020002
Straton Papagianneas
Abstract The belief in quantitative indicators based on standardized data as an effective tool has become more entrenched than ever before, in both public and corporate governance, because of a drive to achieve more efficiency and accountability. The power of automated computation systems and the ubiquitous availability of big data have magnified the potential and capacities for quantification. The People’s Republic of China ( prc ) has enthusiastically embraced these advanced technologies. The rapid digitization and automation of social governance in China, called “smart governance,” entail new approaches to social and political control, driven by innovations in algorithmic systems, big data analytics, and artificial intelligence. This article seeks to reveal the ideological foundations of the prc ’s push for the digitization and automation of social governance. Drawing on international scholarship on Chinese Marxism and Leninism, it argues that the positivist organizational and ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism help explain why technology and automation are embraced so enthusiastically by the Chinese party-state: they provide a way to achieve the dream of rational Marxist governance. Through an empirical analysis of 120 articles from 2014 to 2021, this article illustrates that these ideas are, or may be, a vital part of shaping academic discourse around smart governance in China today. An analysis of Chinese academic discourse is an essential part of understanding the ideological foundations of Chinese Communist Party ( ccp ) governance and statecraft and how these commitments shape the embrace and deployment of smart technologies. The way in which scholars discuss the transformative power of smart technologies demonstrates a similar ideological understanding of social governance.
在公共和公司治理中,基于标准化数据的量化指标作为一种有效工具的信念比以往任何时候都更加根深蒂固,因为追求更高的效率和问责制。自动化计算系统的力量和大数据无处不在的可用性放大了量化的潜力和能力。中华人民共和国积极接受这些先进技术。中国社会治理的快速数字化和自动化,被称为“智能治理”,在算法系统、大数据分析和人工智能的创新推动下,需要新的社会和政治控制方法。本文旨在揭示中国推动社会治理数字化和自动化的思想基础。借鉴国际上对中国马克思列宁主义的研究,它认为马克思列宁主义的实证主义组织和意识形态原则有助于解释为什么中国党国如此热情地接受技术和自动化:它们为实现理性马克思主义治理的梦想提供了一条途径。通过对2014年至2021年的120篇文章的实证分析,本文表明,这些观点是或可能是塑造当今中国智慧治理学术话语的重要组成部分。对中国学术话语的分析是理解中国共产党治理和治国方术的意识形态基础以及这些承诺如何塑造智能技术的拥抱和部署的重要组成部分。学者们讨论智能技术变革力量的方式显示了对社会治理的类似意识形态理解。
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引用次数: 1
Cybersecurity Law and Regulation in China: Securing the Smart State 中国的网络安全法律法规:保护智慧国家
Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1163/25427466-06020001
Rogier Creemers
Abstract Cybersecurity has become a key regulatory area in China’s rapidly digitizing society, economy, and state. The leadership deems it critical in providing adequate security guarantees for the realization of the ambitious “informatization” policy, symbolized by the passing of the Cybersecurity Law in 2016. Cybersecurity has also become integrated with overall national security, at a time when Chinese policy has become increasingly securitized. What, then, does this mean in practice? How do authorities conceive of cybersecurity and attempt to retrofit regulatory frameworks into an already well-established digital environment. This paper reviews the various components of the cybersecurity regime established by the Cybersecurity Law. It discusses how external circumstances have facilitated or obstructed the advance of regulation and implementation and demonstrates how cybersecurity is embedded in the broader processes of reform led by the Chinese Communist Party.
在中国快速数字化的社会、经济和国家中,网络安全已成为一个关键的监管领域。领导层认为,为实现雄心勃勃的“信息化”政策提供充分的安全保障至关重要,2016年通过了《网络安全法》。在中国的政策变得越来越安全之际,网络安全也与整体国家安全融为一体。那么,这在实践中意味着什么呢?当局如何看待网络安全,并试图将监管框架改造成一个已经完善的数字环境?本文回顾了《网络安全法》所建立的网络安全制度的各个组成部分。它讨论了外部环境如何促进或阻碍监管和实施的推进,并展示了网络安全如何融入中国共产党领导的更广泛的改革进程。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
China Law and Society Review
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