Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0009
David Torrance
Nationalist unionism was not confined to Scotland. This chapter extends the book’s analysis to Wales, where the three unionist parties – Liberal, Labour and Conservative – had also deployed nationalist arguments and language in order to maintain Wales as part of the United Kingdom. As in Scotland, the originators of this approach were the Liberals, although one wing of the Labour Party in Wales was also nationalist in mindset as was, to a more modest degree, the Conservative Party, particularly in the 1950s and 2010s, when calculated appeals were made to Welsh traditions such as its distinct language. In contrast to Scotland after power was devolved in 1999, the Welsh Labour Party managed to maintain control of this ‘nationalist unionism’ while Plaid Cymru (which advocated greater autonomy) languished.
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0007
David Torrance
Having supported Home Rule for Scotland in the 1920s, by the 1950s the Labour Party in Scotland had abandoned legislative devolution while retaining the sort of nationalist unionist rhetoric once deployed by the Scottish Unionist Party between the 1930s and 1950s. On reversing its devolution policy in the 1970s, Scottish Labour initially promoted a Scottish Assembly or Parliament on ‘modernisation’ grounds; only during the Thatcher era of the 1980s was an overtly nationalist dimension added, some of which echoed earlier Liberal claims that Scotland was ‘neglected’ by Westminster, which was held to be hostile to Scotland’s distinct institutions and more left-wing political culture. Some in the party resisted this approach but, by the independence referendum of 2014, Scottish Labour’s ‘nationalist’ wing not only voted ‘Yes’ but switched their support to the SNP at the general election of 2015.
{"title":"The Scottish Labour Party and ‘Crypto-Nationalism’","authors":"David Torrance","doi":"10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Having supported Home Rule for Scotland in the 1920s, by the 1950s the Labour Party in Scotland had abandoned legislative devolution while retaining the sort of nationalist unionist rhetoric once deployed by the Scottish Unionist Party between the 1930s and 1950s. On reversing its devolution policy in the 1970s, Scottish Labour initially promoted a Scottish Assembly or Parliament on ‘modernisation’ grounds; only during the Thatcher era of the 1980s was an overtly nationalist dimension added, some of which echoed earlier Liberal claims that Scotland was ‘neglected’ by Westminster, which was held to be hostile to Scotland’s distinct institutions and more left-wing political culture. Some in the party resisted this approach but, by the independence referendum of 2014, Scottish Labour’s ‘nationalist’ wing not only voted ‘Yes’ but switched their support to the SNP at the general election of 2015.","PeriodicalId":146248,"journal":{"name":"Standing up for Scotland","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124961771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0005
David Torrance
This chapter looks at the difficulties faced by the Scottish Unionist Party as it tried to retain its ‘nationalist’ appeal after returning to government in 1951. Although it implemented some of what had been promised in opposition, it proved harder to harness national sentiment while in office, especially as the Labour Party began accusing the Conservatives of being ‘anti-Scottish’ and not delivering on its promises. Following an electoral high watermark for Scottish Unionists in 1955, ‘nationalist unionism’ transferred to the Scottish Labour opposition. Only in the 2010s was the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party (as it became in 1965) in a position to recapture its earlier nationalist unionist appeal, ironically as it competed with a popular Scottish National Party.
这一章着眼于苏格兰统一党在1951年回归政府后试图保持其“民族主义”吸引力所面临的困难。尽管它实施了反对党时的一些承诺，但事实证明，执政期间更难驾驭民族情绪，尤其是在工党开始指责保守党“反苏格兰”、没有兑现承诺的情况下。在1955年苏格兰统一主义者的选举高潮之后，“民族主义联合主义”转移到了苏格兰工党的反对派手中。直到2010年代，苏格兰保守党和统一党(Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party)(1965年成立)才有机会重新获得其早期的民族主义联合主义吸引力，具有讽刺意味的是，当时它正在与广受欢迎的苏格兰民族党(Scottish National Party)竞争。
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0004
David Torrance
This chapter continues its analysis of Scottish Conservative ‘nationalist unionism’ by tracing the evolution of the party’s more ostentatiously nationalist ‘Scottish Control of Scottish Affairs’ agenda after the Second World War. This was the consequence of several forces in Scottish and British politics, chiefly rising nationalist sentiment in Scottish society (though the SNP remained weak) and the then Labour government’s centralising policies in relation to nationalised industries. Sensing an opportunity, Scottish Unionists made a nationalist ‘offer’ to the electorate, which helped the party recover at general elections in 1950 and 1951. By outbidding Labour with its Scottish policy agenda, Scottish Unionists were able to present themselves as the most ‘Scottish’ party and the most credible defenders of its distinctiveness within the Union. At the same time, Labour was depicted as ‘anti-Scottish’ and the Home Rule movement (which wanted legislative as well as administrative devolution) as too extreme.
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0003
David Torrance
The ‘nationalist unionism’ of the Scottish Unionist Party, as formed in 1912 via a merger of Liberal Unionists and Conservatives in Scotland, is then closely examined as the first of several political party case studies. After explaining the historical circumstances which gave rise to the party, its early statements of Scottish ‘nationality’ and identity are analysed. Although the party’s nationalism had an ethnic element (opposition to Irish immigration), the chapter argues that it was mainly ‘civic’ in nature. It goes on to discuss how the party sought a ‘compromise’ with a more radical Home Rule movement by promoting ‘administrative devolution’ within the United Kingdom. It did so by depicting Scotland as a distinctive part of the Union whose traditions and identity required protection from Anglicising forces.
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0006
David Torrance
This chapter looks at the originators of ‘nationalist unionism’, the Scottish Liberal Party. For much of their electoral ascendancy between 1832 and 1922, Scottish Liberals presented themselves as the natural party of Scottish interests, and as defenders of its distinct identity and traditions. But although Liberals advocated Home Rule (or devolution) for Ireland after 1886, the party was equivocal as to legislative devolution for Scotland, something that frustrated its more radical members. Only when the Liberals lost office in 1922 and declined as a party was its nationalist unionist rhetoric accompanied by unequivocal pledges in favour of a Scottish Parliament, something it helped achieve towards the end of the 20th century.
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Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0010
David Torrance
Many analysts of the politics of Northern Ireland have argued that there exists some form of ‘Ulster nationalism’, particularly among Ulster Unionists. After 1886, when Gladstone promised Home Rule for Ireland, Unionists fashioned an Ulster identity predicated on Protestantism and ‘loyalty’ to the British Crown. This was contrasted with the ‘disloyalty’ of Catholics in what would become the Republic of Ireland. This form of ‘nationalist unionism’ was more ethnic in character than the civic variety which existed in Scotland and Wales. It too contained contradictions, not least its suspicion of Westminster and paranoia as to the intentions of successive UK governments towards the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. At various points after 1921, some Ulster Unionists even toyed with the idea of Northern Ireland becoming a ‘Dominion’ (like the Irish Free State) or else pursuing some other form of ‘independence’ from the UK.
{"title":"Northern Ireland and ‘Ulster Nationalism’","authors":"David Torrance","doi":"10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Many analysts of the politics of Northern Ireland have argued that there exists some form of ‘Ulster nationalism’, particularly among Ulster Unionists. After 1886, when Gladstone promised Home Rule for Ireland, Unionists fashioned an Ulster identity predicated on Protestantism and ‘loyalty’ to the British Crown. This was contrasted with the ‘disloyalty’ of Catholics in what would become the Republic of Ireland. This form of ‘nationalist unionism’ was more ethnic in character than the civic variety which existed in Scotland and Wales. It too contained contradictions, not least its suspicion of Westminster and paranoia as to the intentions of successive UK governments towards the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. At various points after 1921, some Ulster Unionists even toyed with the idea of Northern Ireland becoming a ‘Dominion’ (like the Irish Free State) or else pursuing some other form of ‘independence’ from the UK.","PeriodicalId":146248,"journal":{"name":"Standing up for Scotland","volume":"99 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114259899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447812.003.0008
David E. Torrance
This chapter flips the book’s analysis and looks at the ‘unionism’ of the Scottish National Party, which after 1942 supported the secession of Scotland from the UK. A speech made by Alex Salmond in 2013 is used as a means of examining different strands of the party’s unionism following its formation in 1934. First was the SNP’s attachment to some form of supra-national authority, initially the British Empire and later the European Union; second was defence co-operation via NATO; third was a form of monetary union as advocated by the Scottish Government during the 2012-14 referendum campaign; fourth was a long-standing SNP commitment to the 1603 Union of the Crowns, or retention of the Queen as head of state in an independent Scotland; and fifth was what Alex Salmond called a ‘social union’ between the ‘peoples of these islands’.
这一章翻转了本书的分析，着眼于苏格兰民族党(Scottish National Party)的“联合主义”，该党在1942年之后支持苏格兰脱离英国。亚历克斯·萨尔蒙德(Alex Salmond)在2013年的一次演讲被用作考察该党自1934年成立以来工会主义的不同分支的手段。首先，苏格兰民族党依附于某种形式的超国家权威，最初是大英帝国，后来是欧盟;二是通过北约进行防务合作;第三是苏格兰政府在2012-14年公投期间所倡导的货币联盟形式;四是苏格兰民族党对1603年“王冠联盟”的长期承诺，即在独立的苏格兰保留女王为国家元首;第五是亚历克斯·萨尔蒙德所说的“这些岛屿上的人民”之间的“社会联盟”。
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