This study explores postcards written in the Lodz Ghetto, which serve as a source of knowledge about their historical context. The postcards, by their very nature, reflect the social, demographic, and psychological processes among the ghetto inhabitants during their years of forced habitation. Postcards were found to be a primary source of information and an outstanding historical testament to that which occurred, moment by moment, at the time they were written. The study charts them by means of two extensive catalogues: The first is the “Catalogue of years”, which examines the historical events in the Lodz Ghetto from 1940-1945, as they appear in “The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto” versus their reflection or lack of reflection in the postcards. The second catalogue is the “Catalogue of postcards”, which presents a wide and detailed review of all the topics emerging from the postcards, relating to events in the ghetto by the chronological order in which they were written and sent, as a point of departure for their analysis. It is evident from the research findings that the postcards constitute, on one hand, an authentic and reliable source of information, while on the other they also present personal aspects, as much as permitted and possible. As a result, and through that written on them, it is possible to glean additional primary information on events in the ghetto in those days, in addition to the testimonies provided by letters and diaries. In this study, the life and conduct of the ghetto inhabitants are revealed through the most concise means ‐ the postcard, where that inscribed exposes us to human conduct conveying feelings, concerns, longing that emerged together with the need for the human existence and survival of people, their family, and community, in grave and fateful times. The research findings might have practical implications for commemoration of the Holocaust, for teaching, guidance, and learning, and for exposing mediators of the Holocaust to this unique cognitive, emotional, and ethical authentic source of knowledge. The postcards serve as an educational tool for preserving and imparting historical memory.
{"title":"Postcards That Tell a Story: Life Routines at the Lodz Ghetto, Poland","authors":"Shlomit Ben Yishai, N. Davidovitch, R. Dorot","doi":"10.7459/pc/25.1.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/25.1.04","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores postcards written in the Lodz Ghetto, which serve as a source of knowledge about their historical context. The postcards, by their very nature, reflect the social, demographic, and psychological processes among the ghetto inhabitants during their years of forced\u0000 habitation. Postcards were found to be a primary source of information and an outstanding historical testament to that which occurred, moment by moment, at the time they were written. The study charts them by means of two extensive catalogues: The first is the “Catalogue of years”,\u0000 which examines the historical events in the Lodz Ghetto from 1940-1945, as they appear in “The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto” versus their reflection or lack of reflection in the postcards. The second catalogue is the “Catalogue of postcards”, which presents a wide and\u0000 detailed review of all the topics emerging from the postcards, relating to events in the ghetto by the chronological order in which they were written and sent, as a point of departure for their analysis. It is evident from the research findings that the postcards constitute, on one hand, an\u0000 authentic and reliable source of information, while on the other they also present personal aspects, as much as permitted and possible. As a result, and through that written on them, it is possible to glean additional primary information on events in the ghetto in those days, in addition to\u0000 the testimonies provided by letters and diaries. In this study, the life and conduct of the ghetto inhabitants are revealed through the most concise means ‐ the postcard, where that inscribed exposes us to human conduct conveying feelings, concerns, longing that emerged together with\u0000 the need for the human existence and survival of people, their family, and community, in grave and fateful times. The research findings might have practical implications for commemoration of the Holocaust, for teaching, guidance, and learning, and for exposing mediators of the Holocaust to\u0000 this unique cognitive, emotional, and ethical authentic source of knowledge. The postcards serve as an educational tool for preserving and imparting historical memory.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126724675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia’s military in the 1990s was physically and morally fragile. Culturally, however, the militarisation of society persisted because of the prominence of militarised discourses in various discursive spaces. Militarised themes were dominant in Russia’s historical education, with Russia’s vulnerability serving to underscore the militarisation of Russia’s youth during this period because it drew upon notions of paranoia and anxiety, which formed the foundations of Russian identity. This article examined 16 Russian historical textbooks published in the 1990s. Adopting Robert Sutherland’s schema for identifying ‘ways in which inherent ideologies are expressed’ in literature for children, including; ‘Politics of advocacy’ and ‘Politics of attack,’ this article found that Russia’s vulnerabilities were used to equip its youth with militarised worldviews. Historical victories were often framed as ‘victory despite weaknesses, because of the patriotic, united efforts of the Russian peoples. On the other hand, loss at war was often characterised by ‘unequal and heroic battle[s]’ followed by military reform, with emphasis on need to improve weapon procurement, combat readiness and strategy. Through these discourses, students were told that Russia would be safe and militaristically successful if 1) society remained united and 2) Russia’s military institution was technologically and strategically superior. These textbooks maintained the militarisation of society by sustaining the narrative that Russia constantly needed to defend itself, evidenced well with a historical trail of invasion from belligerent nations, where Russia has not always been able to defend itself.
{"title":"A Vulnerable Russia: Militarisation Through Anxiety in 1990s Russian Historical Textbooks","authors":"A. Edwards","doi":"10.7459/pc/25.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/25.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s military in the 1990s was physically and morally fragile. Culturally, however, the militarisation of society persisted because of the prominence of militarised discourses in various discursive spaces. Militarised themes were dominant in Russia’s historical education,\u0000 with Russia’s vulnerability serving to underscore the militarisation of Russia’s youth during this period because it drew upon notions of paranoia and anxiety, which formed the foundations of Russian identity. This article examined 16 Russian historical textbooks published in the\u0000 1990s. Adopting Robert Sutherland’s schema for identifying ‘ways in which inherent ideologies are expressed’ in literature for children, including; ‘Politics of advocacy’ and ‘Politics of attack,’ this article found that Russia’s vulnerabilities\u0000 were used to equip its youth with militarised worldviews. Historical victories were often framed as ‘victory despite weaknesses, because of the patriotic, united efforts of the Russian peoples. On the other hand, loss at war was often characterised by ‘unequal and heroic battle[s]’\u0000 followed by military reform, with emphasis on need to improve weapon procurement, combat readiness and strategy. Through these discourses, students were told that Russia would be safe and militaristically successful if 1) society remained united and 2) Russia’s military institution was\u0000 technologically and strategically superior. These textbooks maintained the militarisation of society by sustaining the narrative that Russia constantly needed to defend itself, evidenced well with a historical trail of invasion from belligerent nations, where Russia has not always been able\u0000 to defend itself.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128976474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the second decade of the 21st century, Mexico has found itself at a crucial juncture. The challenges faced by the nation, both in domestic and international contexts present a unique historical moment requiring innovative ideas on how to respond to issues such as the economic disaster and the socioenvironmental crisis. The objective of this article is to provide an interpretation of the Mexican government’s program (the 4th transformation or IVT), two years after the electoral victory of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO).
在21世纪的第二个十年，墨西哥发现自己处于一个关键时刻。国家所面临的挑战，无论是在国内还是在国际背景下，都是一个独特的历史时刻，需要在如何应对经济灾难和社会环境危机等问题上有创新的想法。本文的目的是提供对墨西哥政府计划(第四次转型或IVT)的解释，这是在总统andr Manuel López Obrador (AMLO)赢得选举两年后。
{"title":"Has Mexico drained the swamp?","authors":"Salvador Peniche Camps","doi":"10.7459/pc/25.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/25.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"In the second decade of the 21st century, Mexico has found itself at a crucial juncture. The challenges faced by the nation, both in domestic and international contexts present a unique historical moment requiring innovative ideas on how to respond to issues such as the economic disaster\u0000 and the socioenvironmental crisis. The objective of this article is to provide an interpretation of the Mexican government’s program (the 4th transformation or IVT), two years after the electoral victory of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO).","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115150130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Globalisations, economic, cultural and social change over the last four decades have affected the nature of the discourse in human rights education. The chapter explores human rights education research and the problematic relationship between human rights education and the state, against the background of globalisation, and economic, political, social and cultural factors. This article aims to link human rights international standards and institutions to grass-roots human rights culture and its impact on social cohesion in South Asia. It begins with an analysis of the nexus between human rights and social cohesion and draws attention to some ideas that complement both. It then analyses how international human rights standards and associated implementation machinery can be used to advance social cohesion around the world. The article critiques current social cohesion trends globally - with some references to Australia and South Asia and focuses on the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) in advancing human rights culture.
{"title":"Human Rights Education and Social Cohesion in South Asia in times of COVID-19","authors":"S. Ozdowski","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"Globalisations, economic, cultural and social change over the last four decades have affected the nature of the discourse in human rights education. The chapter explores human rights education research and the problematic relationship between human rights education and the state, against\u0000 the background of globalisation, and economic, political, social and cultural factors. This article aims to link human rights international standards and institutions to grass-roots human rights culture and its impact on social cohesion in South Asia. It begins with an analysis of the nexus\u0000 between human rights and social cohesion and draws attention to some ideas that complement both. It then analyses how international human rights standards and associated implementation machinery can be used to advance social cohesion around the world. The article critiques current social cohesion\u0000 trends globally - with some references to Australia and South Asia and focuses on the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) in advancing human rights culture.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121017641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the politics of the teacher unions in the education reforms in Israel. In particular, the impact of the Histadrut Hamorim (HH) and the Irgun Hamorim (IH) teacher unions in the three educational reforms that took place in the country, in the years 1968, 2008 and 2011 respectively, was analyzed. For this purpose, a systematic literature review on the topic was carried out. Firstly, the discourse about the teacher unions potential influence upon the education reform decision policies was studied. Secondly, the role of the teacher unions in the education policy reforms in Israel was examined from a historical perspective, with special reference to the two unions under consideration. In conclusion, our study revealed that the impact of the teacher unions upon the education policy formation relating to the reforms as suggested in this piece of work seemed to be concerned with the unions’ political and ideological attachment to the political party in power.
{"title":"Teachers Unions’ Leadership and Their Impact on Educational Reforms in Israel","authors":"Zion Sorek, H. Gaziel, A. Ifanti","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the politics of the teacher unions in the education reforms in Israel. In particular, the impact of the Histadrut Hamorim (HH) and the Irgun Hamorim (IH) teacher unions in the three educational reforms that took place in the country, in the years 1968, 2008 and\u0000 2011 respectively, was analyzed. For this purpose, a systematic literature review on the topic was carried out. Firstly, the discourse about the teacher unions potential influence upon the education reform decision policies was studied. Secondly, the role of the teacher unions in the education\u0000 policy reforms in Israel was examined from a historical perspective, with special reference to the two unions under consideration. In conclusion, our study revealed that the impact of the teacher unions upon the education policy formation relating to the reforms as suggested in this piece\u0000 of work seemed to be concerned with the unions’ political and ideological attachment to the political party in power.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115991001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a new knowledge and insight into understanding the nexus between ideologies, the state, and nation-building—as depicted in transforming images of nation-building and historical understanding of the October 1917 Russian revolution in prescribed history textbooks in the Russian Federation (RF). Using discourse analysis, and historiography, the article examines critically the role of language and ideology in presenting historical narratives in explaining how do representations of the revolution by different historians, from diverse ideological backgrounds, compared to the depiction of the October Revolution of 1917, in Russian school textbooks. Classroom teachers and historians, using historiography, interpret the 1917 October revolution in Russia in different ways. These different interpretations reflect the way in which historical understanding and historical knowledge, influenced by dominant ideologies, are created in history. Current prescribed Russian history textbooks for senior secondary students, which are approved by the Ministry of Education and Science, now regard the Russian Revolution as a significant part of a foundation narrative, representing a re-invented new meta-narrative of nation-building in the RF.
{"title":"Representing the Russian Revolution in Prescribed Russian School History Textbooks","authors":"J. Zajda","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a new knowledge and insight into understanding the nexus between ideologies, the state, and nation-building—as depicted in transforming images of nation-building and historical understanding of the October 1917 Russian revolution in prescribed history textbooks\u0000 in the Russian Federation (RF). Using discourse analysis, and historiography, the article examines critically the role of language and ideology in presenting historical narratives in explaining how do representations of the revolution by different historians, from diverse ideological backgrounds,\u0000 compared to the depiction of the October Revolution of 1917, in Russian school textbooks. Classroom teachers and historians, using historiography, interpret the 1917 October revolution in Russia in different ways. These different interpretations reflect the way in which historical understanding\u0000 and historical knowledge, influenced by dominant ideologies, are created in history. Current prescribed Russian history textbooks for senior secondary students, which are approved by the Ministry of Education and Science, now regard the Russian Revolution as a significant part of a foundation\u0000 narrative, representing a re-invented new meta-narrative of nation-building in the RF.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115876684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This position paper seeks to identify the undermining of freedom and human rights, juxtaposed through the narrative of “so much ill and so little good” (Easterly, 2006) regarding traditional aid and cooperation. The hardships currently constructed by linear frameworks leave no space for countries to define their own developmental pathway. The inherent ideology of current constructs neglects local initiatives and freedom of action and needs to endorse humanistic dialogue or a shift in approach, rather than a radical change of content. This paper proposes a hybridised approach as a means to “restoring culture” in development for Development Aid with Reciprocity ‐the deepening of human rights in every sphere of development and increasing the voice of people. It is contended that development aid for reciprocity in direct relation to the benefit of assistance to the countries in question would provide a most positive approach to development.
{"title":"Development Aid with Reciprocity: A Response to Imperialism and the Politics of Global Coloniality","authors":"Macleans A. Geo‐Jaja, S. Majhanovich","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.2.03","url":null,"abstract":"This position paper seeks to identify the undermining of freedom and human rights, juxtaposed through the narrative of “so much ill and so little good” (Easterly, 2006) regarding traditional aid and cooperation. The hardships currently constructed by linear frameworks leave\u0000 no space for countries to define their own developmental pathway. The inherent ideology of current constructs neglects local initiatives and freedom of action and needs to endorse humanistic dialogue or a shift in approach, rather than a radical change of content. This paper proposes a hybridised\u0000 approach as a means to “restoring culture” in development for Development Aid with Reciprocity ‐the deepening of human rights in every sphere of development and increasing the voice of people. It is contended that development aid for reciprocity in direct relation to the\u0000 benefit of assistance to the countries in question would provide a most positive approach to development.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129347546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rural banditry in Nigeria’s northwest in recent years has made the zone a hotbed of violence. What started as localized disputes in the agro-pastoral sector in 2010 has today metamorphosed into an intractable crisis posing a major threat to national and regional security. Banditry in the zone is characterized by large scale killings, abductions, raids on communities, rape of women and girls and displacement of people and is exacerbated by collapse of governance and absence of law and order, injustice, porous borders and proliferation of Small and Light Weapons (SALWs) among others. In the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, banditry continues to take devastating tolls on its victims, especially women who are the most vulnerable in times of crisis. Women and girls face a double challenge of gender-based violence perpetrated by bandits and intimate partners during the global health crisis. The pervasiveness, intensity and intractability of banditry in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic is worrisome as it could make worse existing gender inequalities such as rape, transactional sex, child marriages, increase in the number of out-of-school girls and the practice of purdah. To address the conflict, a multi-approach involving all stakeholders in the conflict is recommended.
{"title":"Rural Banditry in Northwest Nigeria Amidst a Global Pandemic: A Gender Perspective","authors":"A. Ajodo-Adebanjoko","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.1.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.05","url":null,"abstract":"Rural banditry in Nigeria’s northwest in recent years has made the zone a hotbed of violence. What started as localized disputes in the agro-pastoral sector in 2010 has today metamorphosed into an intractable crisis posing a major threat to national and regional security. Banditry\u0000 in the zone is characterized by large scale killings, abductions, raids on communities, rape of women and girls and displacement of people and is exacerbated by collapse of governance and absence of law and order, injustice, porous borders and proliferation of Small and Light Weapons (SALWs)\u0000 among others. In the midst of the coronavirus pandemic, banditry continues to take devastating tolls on its victims, especially women who are the most vulnerable in times of crisis. Women and girls face a double challenge of gender-based violence perpetrated by bandits and intimate partners\u0000 during the global health crisis. The pervasiveness, intensity and intractability of banditry in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic is worrisome as it could make worse existing gender inequalities such as rape, transactional sex, child marriages, increase in the number of out-of-school girls\u0000 and the practice of purdah. To address the conflict, a multi-approach involving all stakeholders in the conflict is recommended.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128554832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jeffrey M. Byford, S. Lennon, Nguyen Ngoc Anh, Sherrie Hopper, Dang Thi Vuong Nga
Throughout time, both American and Vietnamese educators have sought ways to teach both the complexity of war and the ability to teach contradicting views when presented in moral dilemmas. As the year's pass and political and economic relations between the two countries grow, the exploration of war-related moral dilemmas, which unfolded during the Vietnam War, is openly discussed and encouraged. Despite not directly affected by the war, students from both countries have differing interpretations, expressing an individual and potentially contradicting view and perception when presented in the form of a moral dilemma. This research intended to investigate how American and Vietnamese students’ reasons and reactions to a war-related moral dilemma through a fictional wartime scenario. Integrating the cognitive and affective domains through historical empathy, the study suggested that while both American and Vietnamese often selected morally ‘easy’ or popular choices amongst their peers, some students experienced great difficulty justifying their actions.
{"title":"The Wounded Prisoner: A Comparative Study on American and Vietnamese Students’ Perceptions of Moral Dilemmas","authors":"Jeffrey M. Byford, S. Lennon, Nguyen Ngoc Anh, Sherrie Hopper, Dang Thi Vuong Nga","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout time, both American and Vietnamese educators have sought ways to teach both the complexity of war and the ability to teach contradicting views when presented in moral dilemmas. As the year's pass and political and economic relations between the two countries grow, the exploration\u0000 of war-related moral dilemmas, which unfolded during the Vietnam War, is openly discussed and encouraged. Despite not directly affected by the war, students from both countries have differing interpretations, expressing an individual and potentially contradicting view and perception when presented\u0000 in the form of a moral dilemma. This research intended to investigate how American and Vietnamese students’ reasons and reactions to a war-related moral dilemma through a fictional wartime scenario. Integrating the cognitive and affective domains through historical empathy, the study\u0000 suggested that while both American and Vietnamese often selected morally ‘easy’ or popular choices amongst their peers, some students experienced great difficulty justifying their actions.","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"175 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116529295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all
{"title":"Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)","authors":"Yusuf Sholeye, A. Madibbo","doi":"10.7459/pc/24.1.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03","url":null,"abstract":"During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared\u0000 on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity\u0000 to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and\u0000 the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious\u0000 organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was\u0000 created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief\u0000 in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories\u0000 there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005,\u0000 with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand\u0000 influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies.\u0000 All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all ","PeriodicalId":149131,"journal":{"name":"Political Crossroads","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121604468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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