Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-013
{"title":"List of contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121024581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-003
Manja Stephan-Emmrich
{"title":"A Material Geography of ‘Dubai Business’","authors":"Manja Stephan-Emmrich","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129192829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-006
Britta Frede
This chapter scrutinises the negotiation of various actors about the governance of the Mauritanian Islamic heritage. In the context of hopes for democratisation and the war on terror, social frictions are fuelled and lead to a quite confrontational mode of negotiating identity and citizenship. The traditional Islamic educational institution, the maḥḍara, plays a crucial role within these debates. Being perceived as an institution for (re)producing local tradition, the maḥḍara and its visions become the focus of conflict, praised by politicians and the ʿulamaʾ (Islamic scholars) as a driver of social peace, feared by security experts as a breeding ground for terrorism, and finally, wished to be reformed by human right activists. The war on terror goes hand in hand with the threat of terror, producing more rumours than facts and spreading feelings of insecurity that foster violent action.
{"title":"In an Era of Terror Threats: Negotiating the Governance of a (Trans)Local Islamic Heritage in the Islamic Republic of Mauritania","authors":"Britta Frede","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-006","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter scrutinises the negotiation of various actors about the governance of the Mauritanian Islamic heritage. In the context of hopes for democratisation and the war on terror, social frictions are fuelled and lead to a quite confrontational mode of negotiating identity and citizenship. The traditional Islamic educational institution, the maḥḍara, plays a crucial role within these debates. Being perceived as an institution for (re)producing local tradition, the maḥḍara and its visions become the focus of conflict, praised by politicians and the ʿulamaʾ (Islamic scholars) as a driver of social peace, feared by security experts as a breeding ground for terrorism, and finally, wished to be reformed by human right activists. The war on terror goes hand in hand with the threat of terror, producing more rumours than facts and spreading feelings of insecurity that foster violent action.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114139704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-009
L. Casini
: The existence of Islam in the Arabic novel is bound within epistemo-logical constraints inscribed in the very form of the genre, and therefore trans-cends the contents of specific works. As one of the most distinctive expressions of modernity in the Arab world, the novel constitutes a meaningful locus to study the way Islam has been re-configured in relationship to some of the major intellectual debates that have swept through the Arab territories during the 20 th and the beginning of the 21 st century. This chapter examines the synchronic, diachronic and translocal dimensions of this process of reconfiguration, with a particular focus on the relationship between Islam and nationalism in Egypt and Kuwait. In the same way that society came to be understood as a distinct and abstract field of hu-man knowledge constructed around a subject/object relationship, so the act of narration itself came to reproduce the split implied in this new ontology. The narrator was no longer the custodian and transmitter of an accumulated civilization or turath (…). The new narrator was rather an individual standing ‘outside’ the collectivity, observing it, describing it, narrating it, not as a communal historian but from a position that embodied a subjective but nonetheless authoritative and hegemonic point of view (…). The act of narration thus came to embody a slippery relationship between the narrating subject and the ambiguous, abstract collectivity defined as ‘society’ which represents a putative national reality. 10
{"title":"(Re-)Configurations of Islam in the Development of the Arabic Novel: Case Studies from Egypt and Kuwait","authors":"L. Casini","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-009","url":null,"abstract":": The existence of Islam in the Arabic novel is bound within epistemo-logical constraints inscribed in the very form of the genre, and therefore trans-cends the contents of specific works. As one of the most distinctive expressions of modernity in the Arab world, the novel constitutes a meaningful locus to study the way Islam has been re-configured in relationship to some of the major intellectual debates that have swept through the Arab territories during the 20 th and the beginning of the 21 st century. This chapter examines the synchronic, diachronic and translocal dimensions of this process of reconfiguration, with a particular focus on the relationship between Islam and nationalism in Egypt and Kuwait. In the same way that society came to be understood as a distinct and abstract field of hu-man knowledge constructed around a subject/object relationship, so the act of narration itself came to reproduce the split implied in this new ontology. The narrator was no longer the custodian and transmitter of an accumulated civilization or turath (…). The new narrator was rather an individual standing ‘outside’ the collectivity, observing it, describing it, narrating it, not as a communal historian but from a position that embodied a subjective but nonetheless authoritative and hegemonic point of view (…). The act of narration thus came to embody a slippery relationship between the narrating subject and the ambiguous, abstract collectivity defined as ‘society’ which represents a putative national reality. 10","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131436254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-002
A. Bouzas
: This chapter examines the role of religion in a transnational space, shaped mainly by migrant and development actors between the region of Baltistan, in north-eastern Pakistan, and Kuwait. Migration from Baltistan to the Gulf, and to Kuwait in particular, is strongly connected to a specific socio-economic context determined by the existence of the Kashmir dispute, but also to a shared religious belonging to the Twelver Shia faith of Islam. Development aid from Kuwait in north-eastern Pakistan is framed in socio-economic terms and in terms of the religious duty in Islam to share and distribute wealth, although this charity activity does not require that the recipients follow the same faith. By addressing the understanding of the religious among actors involved in this transnational space, such as migrants, employees, and donors of economic aid, the chapter discusses the interrelations between the religious and the political (as the realm of the public sphere) in the context of this transnational space. While noting that religion helps to structure specific collectives beyond existing sovereign borders and therefore has an ordering character that amounts to a political dimension, the understanding of the religious in transnational spaces cannot be divorced from existing power hierarchies in which religion is inscribed. There are no differences. Some of them are more open than others. Iran is a developed state (…). In Baltistan some mullahs are very educated such as Sheikh Mohsin, Sheikh Jaf-fari [present imam of the Skardu great mosque, the capital and main city in Baltistan]; they have studied many years abroad in Iran and Iraq and they have seen the world. They are open-minded and they support female education. Other mullahs have no education and they do not know the world. These mullahs, I call them chhote mullah [small mul-lahs], studied a few years but they did not finish their studies. They just wear turbans but there is nothing in their heads. They are constantly saying to people, ‘do not do this’, ‘do not do that’.
{"title":"Framing Religion in a Transnational Space","authors":"A. Bouzas","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-002","url":null,"abstract":": This chapter examines the role of religion in a transnational space, shaped mainly by migrant and development actors between the region of Baltistan, in north-eastern Pakistan, and Kuwait. Migration from Baltistan to the Gulf, and to Kuwait in particular, is strongly connected to a specific socio-economic context determined by the existence of the Kashmir dispute, but also to a shared religious belonging to the Twelver Shia faith of Islam. Development aid from Kuwait in north-eastern Pakistan is framed in socio-economic terms and in terms of the religious duty in Islam to share and distribute wealth, although this charity activity does not require that the recipients follow the same faith. By addressing the understanding of the religious among actors involved in this transnational space, such as migrants, employees, and donors of economic aid, the chapter discusses the interrelations between the religious and the political (as the realm of the public sphere) in the context of this transnational space. While noting that religion helps to structure specific collectives beyond existing sovereign borders and therefore has an ordering character that amounts to a political dimension, the understanding of the religious in transnational spaces cannot be divorced from existing power hierarchies in which religion is inscribed. There are no differences. Some of them are more open than others. Iran is a developed state (…). In Baltistan some mullahs are very educated such as Sheikh Mohsin, Sheikh Jaf-fari [present imam of the Skardu great mosque, the capital and main city in Baltistan]; they have studied many years abroad in Iran and Iraq and they have seen the world. They are open-minded and they support female education. Other mullahs have no education and they do not know the world. These mullahs, I call them chhote mullah [small mul-lahs], studied a few years but they did not finish their studies. They just wear turbans but there is nothing in their heads. They are constantly saying to people, ‘do not do this’, ‘do not do that’.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127868949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-008
Brahim El Guabli
: The Moroccan ‘Years of Lead’ were a period of rampant state violence between the country’s independence in 1956 and the passing of King Hassan II in 1999. Although a robust scholarship has probed its multifaceted aspects, the impact of state violence on specific groups, such as Bahais, Jews, and Islamists, has yet to be included in discussions about the collective memory of post-independence Moroccan. Most importantly, however, in the midst of a relentless glocal war on terror, Moroccan Islamists continue to be marginalised or exclude themselves from the cultural and social memory of state violence. Drawing on al-Mufaḍḍal al-Maghūtī’s memoir Wa ya‘lū ṣawt al-ādhān min jaḥīm Tazmamart (2009) and Muṣṭafā al-Ḥasnāwī’s memoir Sujūn wa ashjān (2018), this article provides a conceptualisation of Islamist and Islamised memory of state violence. The distinction between Islamist and Islamised memory demonstrates their different, and even oppositional, stakes in terms of politicisation, religiosity, and partisanship. The article also shows how the publishing media resigni-fies memories and inscribes them in frameworks of meaning that may not even be relevant to the survivors’ experience or concerns.
当前位置摩洛哥的“铅年”是指从1956年国家独立到1999年国王哈桑二世去世期间国家暴力猖獗的时期。尽管一个强大的学术研究已经探究了它的多面性，但国家暴力对特定群体的影响，如巴哈教徒、犹太人和伊斯兰教徒，还没有被包括在关于独立后摩洛哥人的集体记忆的讨论中。然而，最重要的是，在一场无情的全球反恐战争中，摩洛哥的伊斯兰主义者继续被边缘化，或者被排除在国家暴力的文化和社会记忆之外。根据al-Mufaḍḍal al-Maghūtī的回忆录《Wa ya ' lji ṣawt al-ādhān min jaḥīm Tazmamart》(2009)和Muṣṭafā al-Ḥasnāwī的回忆录《Sujūn Wa ashjān》(2018)，本文对伊斯兰主义者和伊斯兰化的国家暴力记忆进行了概念化。伊斯兰主义和伊斯兰化记忆之间的区别表明了他们在政治化、宗教性和党派关系方面的不同，甚至是对立的赌注。这篇文章还展示了出版媒体如何重新定义记忆，并将它们铭刻在甚至可能与幸存者的经历或担忧无关的意义框架中。
{"title":"Islamist and Islamised Memories in Moroccan Testimonial Prison Literature","authors":"Brahim El Guabli","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-008","url":null,"abstract":": The Moroccan ‘Years of Lead’ were a period of rampant state violence between the country’s independence in 1956 and the passing of King Hassan II in 1999. Although a robust scholarship has probed its multifaceted aspects, the impact of state violence on specific groups, such as Bahais, Jews, and Islamists, has yet to be included in discussions about the collective memory of post-independence Moroccan. Most importantly, however, in the midst of a relentless glocal war on terror, Moroccan Islamists continue to be marginalised or exclude themselves from the cultural and social memory of state violence. Drawing on al-Mufaḍḍal al-Maghūtī’s memoir Wa ya‘lū ṣawt al-ādhān min jaḥīm Tazmamart (2009) and Muṣṭafā al-Ḥasnāwī’s memoir Sujūn wa ashjān (2018), this article provides a conceptualisation of Islamist and Islamised memory of state violence. The distinction between Islamist and Islamised memory demonstrates their different, and even oppositional, stakes in terms of politicisation, religiosity, and partisanship. The article also shows how the publishing media resigni-fies memories and inscribes them in frameworks of meaning that may not even be relevant to the survivors’ experience or concerns.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114482552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-fm
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-fm","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-fm","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125076716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-011
Claude C. Kempen
: This chapter investigates the positioning of Islam within the various debates and articles that appeared in the Jordanian LGBTQIA+ online magazine My.Kali. I will build on two statements taken from an interview with the magazine’s founder, Khalid Abdel Hadi, published by Süddeutsche Zeitung: “Religion is not the problem” and “We don’t need to be saved”. This text will then add other voices from the magazine to his perspective and embed them within broader discussions around being Muslim, queer, and Arab. This will touch on ways Muslims are embracing their religiosity at the same time as their queer-ness, as well as debunking the twin myths of the “Western queer paradise” and the “Muslim homophobe”. This also includes Muslim awareness of racism, Islamophobia, and heteronormativity in so-called Western countries. Juggling local and global activism, the concepts of queerness, histories, and languages makes visible the complex nature of Arab LGBTQIA+ communities.
{"title":"“We Don’t Need to be Saved”: An Investigation of My.Kali Magazine and its Related LGBTQIA+ Community in Amman, Jordan","authors":"Claude C. Kempen","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-011","url":null,"abstract":": This chapter investigates the positioning of Islam within the various debates and articles that appeared in the Jordanian LGBTQIA+ online magazine My.Kali. I will build on two statements taken from an interview with the magazine’s founder, Khalid Abdel Hadi, published by Süddeutsche Zeitung: “Religion is not the problem” and “We don’t need to be saved”. This text will then add other voices from the magazine to his perspective and embed them within broader discussions around being Muslim, queer, and Arab. This will touch on ways Muslims are embracing their religiosity at the same time as their queer-ness, as well as debunking the twin myths of the “Western queer paradise” and the “Muslim homophobe”. This also includes Muslim awareness of racism, Islamophobia, and heteronormativity in so-called Western countries. Juggling local and global activism, the concepts of queerness, histories, and languages makes visible the complex nature of Arab LGBTQIA+ communities.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127452488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-010
F. Haniffa
: This chapter deals with Sri Lanka’s Muslim council of theologians – the All Ceylon Jamiathul Ulema (ACJU) – and their response to Sri Lanka’s anti-Muslim movement. The anti-Muslim movement emerged after the end of Sri Lanka’s ethnic war and flourished when Sri Lanka was exploring post-war reconciliation measures. The ACJU responded to the anti-Muslim movement using the language of the reconciliation process. Analysing the manner in which the ACJU responded to challenges faced by the Muslim community in Sri Lanka during the past decade, this chapter will argue that given the attacks that the anti-Muslim movement is mounting on Muslims’ religious and cultural life, Sri Lankan Muslims require a less vulnerable institution to provide leadership when engaging with religious others. The anti-Muslim movement’s undermin-ing of ACJU’s authority limits their ability to intervene. This moment also expos-es weaknesses of the ACJU approach to reconciliation and offers an opportunity for the emergence of an alternative leadership.
{"title":"‘Reconciliation’ Problems in Post-War Sri Lanka: The Anti-Muslim Movement and Ulema Council Responses","authors":"F. Haniffa","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-010","url":null,"abstract":": This chapter deals with Sri Lanka’s Muslim council of theologians – the All Ceylon Jamiathul Ulema (ACJU) – and their response to Sri Lanka’s anti-Muslim movement. The anti-Muslim movement emerged after the end of Sri Lanka’s ethnic war and flourished when Sri Lanka was exploring post-war reconciliation measures. The ACJU responded to the anti-Muslim movement using the language of the reconciliation process. Analysing the manner in which the ACJU responded to challenges faced by the Muslim community in Sri Lanka during the past decade, this chapter will argue that given the attacks that the anti-Muslim movement is mounting on Muslims’ religious and cultural life, Sri Lankan Muslims require a less vulnerable institution to provide leadership when engaging with religious others. The anti-Muslim movement’s undermin-ing of ACJU’s authority limits their ability to intervene. This moment also expos-es weaknesses of the ACJU approach to reconciliation and offers an opportunity for the emergence of an alternative leadership.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129304209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-21DOI: 10.1515/9783110726534-007
J. Scheele
: In 2012, northern Mali seceded from the rest of the country under the leadership of secessionist and Islamist groups. This, and subsequent events, have been interpreted, broadly speaking, in two ways. First, as a result of the unchecked influence of external actors representing ‘global jihad’ on a country whose Islamic practice had until then been described as ‘moderate’. Second, allegiance to Islamist groups was seen as a strategy in local power struggles. Without wanting to invalidate the latter interpretation, this chapter asks what would happen if we took the Islamic rhetoric put forward by various actors in northern Mali seriously. This implies understanding Islam in the region both in local and in transregional terms, and placing it within a narrative not of radical rupture, but of continuity. Contemporary tensions between local conflicts and universal notions of justice, legitimacy and belonging, have in fact a long and variegated history in the area.
{"title":"Islam as World Religion in Northern Mali","authors":"J. Scheele","doi":"10.1515/9783110726534-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110726534-007","url":null,"abstract":": In 2012, northern Mali seceded from the rest of the country under the leadership of secessionist and Islamist groups. This, and subsequent events, have been interpreted, broadly speaking, in two ways. First, as a result of the unchecked influence of external actors representing ‘global jihad’ on a country whose Islamic practice had until then been described as ‘moderate’. Second, allegiance to Islamist groups was seen as a strategy in local power struggles. Without wanting to invalidate the latter interpretation, this chapter asks what would happen if we took the Islamic rhetoric put forward by various actors in northern Mali seriously. This implies understanding Islam in the region both in local and in transregional terms, and placing it within a narrative not of radical rupture, but of continuity. Contemporary tensions between local conflicts and universal notions of justice, legitimacy and belonging, have in fact a long and variegated history in the area.","PeriodicalId":151130,"journal":{"name":"Claiming and Making Muslim Worlds","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125492488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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