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From Neutrality to Intervention, 1914–15 从中立到干预(1914 - 1915
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198822943.003.0003
Vanda Wilcox
When the July Crisis erupted, Italy was allied to its neighbour Austria-Hungary, but most Italians had little interest in fighting for it. On 3 August 1914 Italy declared its neutrality with the support of most of the population. However, the prospect of joining the war on the other side was soon raised, and both the Entente and the Central Powers began to court the Italian government in hope of securing its allegiance. A small but vocal interventionist movement emerged as public opinion evolved. Irredentism motivated some interventionists, while others adopted pragmatic positions or embraced the rhetoric of a war for democracy; some placed the war in a wider imperial context right from the start, hoping to acquire as yet undefined territories beyond national borders. At last, in April 1915, Italy signed the Treaty of London, committing to join the Entente in pursuit of expansionist aims: it hoped both to complete national unification and to receive territorial compensation elsewhere.
当七月危机爆发时,意大利与邻国奥匈帝国结盟,但大多数意大利人对为它而战没什么兴趣。1914年8月3日,意大利在大多数人的支持下宣布中立。然而,加入另一方参战的可能性很快就出现了,协约国和同盟国都开始向意大利政府示好,希望获得其效忠。随着公众舆论的演变,出现了一场规模虽小但声音响亮的干预运动。民族统一主义激发了一些干涉主义者,而另一些人则采取了务实的立场,或者接受了为民主而战的言论;一些人从一开始就把这场战争放在更广阔的帝国背景下,希望在国界之外获得尚未定义的领土。最后,在1915年4月,意大利签署了《伦敦条约》(Treaty of London),承诺加入协约国以追求扩张主义的目标:它既希望完成国家统一,又希望在其他地方获得领土补偿。
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引用次数: 0
The War Beyond Italy 意大利之外的战争
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198822943.003.0007
Vanda Wilcox
Italy entered the war to cement its great power status. To convince its Entente partners it was actively contributing to the global struggle, it sent troops first to Albania and later Macedonia, both in pursuit of territorial goals and to support the allies. As the conflict expanded in scope and scale, Italian war aims grew correspondingly: in 1917 a new allied agreement promised Italy territorial compensation in Asia Minor. The St Jean de Maurienne Agreement also enabled Italy to send a tiny expeditionary force to Palestine. By 1918 the need to demonstrate a global commitment led to even more overseas deployment for Italian forces: units were sent to France to the Western Front and to both Murmansk and Manchuria to fight in the Russian Civil War. Despite all these far-flung missions, however, only in Albania was there any intention to remain after the war’s end.
意大利参战是为了巩固其大国地位。为了让协约国伙伴相信,它在积极参与全球斗争,它先是向阿尔巴尼亚派兵,后来又向马其顿派兵,既是为了追求领土目标,也是为了支持盟国。随着冲突范围和规模的扩大,意大利的战争目标也相应增加:1917年,一项新的协约国协议承诺向意大利赔偿小亚细亚的领土。《圣让·德·莫里安协定》也使意大利能够向巴勒斯坦派遣一支小型远征军。到1918年,为了展示全球承诺,意大利军队在海外部署了更多的部队:部队被派往法国西线,并被派往摩尔曼斯克和满洲参加俄罗斯内战。然而,尽管有这些遥远的任务,战争结束后只有在阿尔巴尼亚有人打算留下来。
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引用次数: 0
Italians on the Battlefield 战场上的意大利人
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198822943.003.0004
Vanda Wilcox
From the period of neutrality onwards, Italy mobilized a mass conscript army which drew on Italians from around the peninsula as well as emigrants overseas, though after much debate colonial troops were not brought to Italy. Despite the lack of widespread war enthusiasm, most men within Italy complied with the draft, and the army was soon able to deploy over a million men at the front. For emigrants, the decision to return and fight was complex yet many did so. Fighting was concentrated along the Italo-Austrian border, where chief of general staff Cadorna hoped to break through Austrian defences. The tactical difficulties of trench warfare combined with difficult terrain led to strategic immobility along this front, with eleven battles fought along the river Isonzo. In 1917 a joint Austro-German attack at Caporetto achieved a major victory but Italy was able to recover and defend itself successfully, with Allied support, before eventually returning to the offensive in 1918.
从中立时期开始,意大利动员了大量的义务兵,招募了来自半岛各地的意大利人和海外移民,尽管经过多次辩论,殖民军队没有被带到意大利。尽管缺乏普遍的战争热情,但意大利国内的大多数人都遵守了征兵令,军队很快就能在前线部署100多万人。对于移民来说,返回和战斗的决定是复杂的,但许多人还是这样做了。战斗集中在意大利-奥地利边境,总参谋长卡多纳希望在那里突破奥地利的防线。堑壕战的战术困难加上复杂的地形导致了这条战线上的战略停滞,沿着伊松佐河进行了11次战斗。1917年,奥德联军在卡波雷托的联合进攻取得了重大胜利,但意大利能够在盟军的支持下成功地恢复和防御自己,直到1918年才最终恢复进攻。
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引用次数: 0
Imperialism and Irredentism in Liberal Italy 自由意大利的帝国主义与民族统一主义
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198822943.003.0002
Vanda Wilcox
For Italian nationalists, the nation was still incomplete after unification in 1861; they embraced the irredentist goal of incorporating Trento and Trieste, still in Austrian hands. The Triple Alliance which tied Italy to Germany and Austria-Hungary in a defensive pact made it hard to directly pursue this objective. Meanwhile, Italian ambitions to build a colonial empire began in the 1870s with the acquisition of Eritrea and Somalia in East Africa, before meeting a set-back with the crushing defeat by Ethiopia at Adwa in 1896. Liberals embraced an alternate, uniquely Italian vision of empire, built on emigrant colonies around the world. Advocates of traditional settler colonialism instead turned their attention to the Mediterranean and specifically to the so-called ‘Fourth Shore’ of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. Considerable consensus emerged around attacking the Ottoman Empire in 1911; after a year of war, Italy officially acquired Libya and the Dodecanese Islands. But irredentist hopes, and ambitions in the Balkans, were not sated by this expansion.
对于意大利民族主义者来说,1861年统一后的国家仍然是不完整的;他们接受了统一主义者的目标,即合并仍在奥地利人手中的特伦托和的里雅斯特。三国同盟将意大利与德国和奥匈帝国捆绑在一个防御条约中,这使得直接追求这一目标变得困难。与此同时,意大利建立殖民帝国的野心始于19世纪70年代,先是收购了东非的厄立特里亚和索马里,然后在1896年被埃塞俄比亚在阿杜瓦(Adwa)惨败。自由主义者接受了另一种独特的意大利帝国观,这种帝国观建立在世界各地的移民殖民地之上。传统殖民主义的倡导者转而将注意力转向地中海,特别是的黎波里塔尼亚和昔兰尼加所谓的“第四海岸”。1911年,在进攻奥斯曼帝国的问题上形成了相当大的共识;经过一年的战争,意大利正式获得了利比亚和多德卡尼斯群岛。但是巴尔干半岛的民族统一主义者的希望和野心并没有因为这种扩张而得到满足。
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引用次数: 0
Post-war Settlements in the Adriatic and the Balkans 战后亚得里亚海和巴尔干地区的定居点
Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198822943.003.0010
Vanda Wilcox
The rejection of the Italian demand for Fiume led to much anger in Italy; interventionist poet Gabriele D’Annunzio spoke of a ‘mutilated victory’. Capitalizing on nationalist fury he independently led a small group to seize the city directly, creating serious tensions with Yugoslavia. Italian military occupations in neighbouring areas of Dalmatia sought to lay foundations for Italian possession but were unpopular with locals; Italian forces showed signs of growing radical nationalism. By the end of 1920 Italy had been forced to renounce most of its claims and D’Annunzio was forced out of Fiume. Further south in Albania Italy hoped to create a long-lasting protectorate building on its wartime occupation, but here too its colonial approach was unpopular and by August 1920 it had to admit its failure.
意大利对Fiume的要求遭到拒绝,这在意大利引起了极大的愤怒;干涉主义诗人加布里埃尔·达南齐奥称其为“残缺的胜利”。利用民族主义者的愤怒,他独立领导一小群人直接占领了这座城市,造成了与南斯拉夫的严重紧张关系。意大利在达尔马提亚邻近地区的军事占领试图为意大利的占有奠定基础,但当地人不欢迎;意大利军队显示出激进民族主义日益抬头的迹象。到1920年底,意大利被迫放弃了大部分主权要求,丹农齐奥也被迫离开了富姆。在更南边的阿尔巴尼亚,意大利希望在战时占领的基础上建立一个长期的保护国,但在这里,意大利的殖民政策也不受欢迎,到1920年8月,意大利不得不承认自己的失败。
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引用次数: 0
Societies at War 战争中的社会
Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1553/melammu10
Vanda Wilcox
With the mobilization of Italy’s society and economy for war, the lives of millions of men, women, and children were transformed. Whether emigrants, colonists, or mainland residents, Italians raised funds, worked in war industries, supported family members at the front, prayed for victory, and engaged in patriotic activities—or, alternatively, in anti-war politics. Anti-war sentiment, both real and imagined, encouraged the government to adopt increasingly harsh repressive measures—which in turn further alienated some sectors of the population. Socialists were particularly the object of official suspicion, while by contrast Catholics built an unprecedented bond with the nation. As the state sought to mobilize all available manpower, Italians overseas and in the colonies had a vital part to play. The authorities also sought to maximize the economic contribution, whether in money or materials, that Italy’s empire could make to the war effort—though with limited results.
随着意大利社会和经济为战争而动员起来,数百万男人、女人和儿童的生活发生了变化。无论是移民、殖民者还是本土居民,意大利人都筹集资金、在军工企业工作、支持前线的家人、祈祷胜利、从事爱国活动——或者,参加反战政治活动。无论是真实的还是想象中的反战情绪,都促使政府采取越来越严厉的镇压措施——这反过来又进一步疏远了一部分民众。社会主义者尤其受到官方的怀疑,而相比之下,天主教徒与国家建立了前所未有的联系。当国家试图动员所有可用的人力时,海外和殖民地的意大利人起着至关重要的作用。当局还寻求最大限度地提高意大利帝国对战争的经济贡献,无论是在金钱上还是在物资上,尽管结果有限。
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引用次数: 0
The Paris Peace Conference and Beyond 巴黎和会及以后
Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198822943.003.0009
Vanda Wilcox
When the war ended, the domestic political situation was tense and the economy rapidly entered a crisis. Public opinion required that Italy’s huge sacrifices be vindicated by the war’s outcome, leading Vittorio Orlando’s government to request even more territory than had originally be agreed by the Treaty of London. Foreign minister Sonnino, an ambitious imperialist, demanded Fiume and also sought expanded colonial compensation. But Woodrow Wilson refused to accept Italian possession of Slav-inhabited lands, which he wished to see allocated to Yugoslavia. Diplomatic errors, Wilson’s opposition, Greek rivalry, and above all the changed international landscape meant that Italy’s leadership failed utterly to achieve its goals in Paris.
战争结束后,国内政治局势紧张,经济迅速陷入危机。公众舆论要求意大利的巨大牺牲以战争的结果来证明是正确的,这导致维托里奥·奥兰多(Vittorio Orlando)政府要求获得比《伦敦条约》(Treaty of London)最初同意的更多的领土。外交部长Sonnino是一个野心勃勃的帝国主义者,他要求Fiume,并要求扩大殖民赔偿。但伍德罗·威尔逊拒绝接受意大利占有斯拉夫人居住的土地,他希望看到这些土地分配给南斯拉夫。外交上的失误、威尔逊的反对、希腊的对抗,以及最重要的国际形势的变化,意味着意大利的领导层完全未能实现在巴黎达成的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Race, Nationality, and Citizenship 种族、国籍和公民权
Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198822943.003.0008
Vanda Wilcox
As a relatively new nation-state, which considered itself to be territorially incomplete, Italy faced a challenge in defining Italian identity. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, italianità—Italianness—became understood in increasingly racialized terms. Eugenics thrived in Italy and race theory underpinned attitudes not only to colonialism and colonial subjects but also to the conduct of war, among the general public and particularly in military circles. The results can clearly be seen in the conduct of the Italian army in Libya, both in 1911–12 and during the First World War, and in Italy’s treatment of Slav and German civilians under military occupation. Racial definitions of italianità also shaped attitudes to the rights, duties, and delimitation of Italian citizenship, especially under the pressures of war.
作为一个相对较新的民族国家,意大利认为自己的领土不完整,在定义意大利身份方面面临着挑战。在19世纪末和20世纪初,italianità-Italianness-became被理解为越来越种族化的术语。优生学在意大利蓬勃发展,种族理论不仅支撑着对殖民主义和殖民臣民的态度,也支撑着对战争行为的态度,在普通公众中,尤其是在军事圈子里。其结果可以从意大利军队在1911 - 1912年和第一次世界大战期间在利比亚的行为以及意大利在军事占领下对待斯拉夫和德国平民的方式中清楚地看到。意大利人的种族定义也塑造了对意大利公民权利、义务和界定的态度,尤其是在战争的压力下。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198822943.003.0012
Vanda Wilcox
Italy fought the Great War in pursuit of a Greater Italy; to that end, all the resources of nation and empire were mobilised. The end of the First World War saw the demise of the liberal emigrant model in Italy, in which diaspora communities were still colonies, in favour of a more conventional vision based solely on direct territorial control. Tracing the growth of Italian colonial ambitions from 1911 through to 1923 as against the objective decline and weakening of its real empire highlights the extent to which it was an empire of fantasy as much as reality. Nonetheless, though in many ways insubstantial, empire and above all the idea of empire exerted enormous influence on Italian attitudes, policies, and priorities in the era of the First World War, with devastating long-term consequences.
意大利为了实现“大意大利”而发动大战;为此,调动了国家和帝国的所有资源。第一次世界大战的结束见证了意大利自由移民模式的消亡,在这种模式下,散居的社区仍然是殖民地,取而代之的是一种更传统的、完全基于直接领土控制的观点。从1911年到1923年,意大利殖民野心的增长与其真正帝国的客观衰落和衰弱相对照,突显出它既是一个现实帝国,也是一个幻想帝国。然而,尽管在很多方面都是微不足道的,帝国,尤其是帝国的概念,在第一次世界大战时期对意大利的态度,政策和优先事项产生了巨大的影响,带来了毁灭性的长期后果。
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引用次数: 0
Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean After the War 非洲和地中海东部的战争
Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198822943.003.0011
Vanda Wilcox
Italy joined the Allies in sending troops to occupy the defeated Ottoman Empire; a detachment went to Constantinople while a larger Expeditionary Force, commanded from the Dodecanese islands, moved into Antalya and the surrounding region where Italy hoped to create a lasting Eastern Mediterranean sphere of influence or even perhaps a League of Nations Mandate. Ultimately, the Treaty of Sèvres was a disappointment, offering no guarantees in Asia Minor; since Italy was both unwilling and unable to fight against Atatürk’s forces to secure its goals in Turkey, it was forced to withdraw altogether by 1923, though it kept hold of the Dodecanese. In Libya, having lost functional control of the interior, Italy had few options but to concede considerable power to Sanussiya brotherhood and others. It also granted local constitutions in 1919, creating a new form of colonial citizenship there. Far from expanding it, the war had left Italy’s empire weakened.
意大利加入协约国派兵占领战败的奥斯曼帝国;一支分遣队前往君士坦丁堡,而一支更大的远征军,由多德卡尼斯群岛指挥,进入安塔利亚及周边地区,意大利希望在那里建立一个持久的东地中海势力范围,甚至可能是国际联盟的托管。最终,《萨德条约》令人失望,没有在小亚细亚提供任何保障;由于意大利既不愿意也没有能力与土耳其的军队作战以确保其在土耳其的目标,它被迫在1923年完全撤军,尽管它保留了多德卡尼斯。在利比亚,由于失去了对内部的实际控制,意大利别无选择,只能将相当大的权力让给萨努西亚兄弟会和其他组织。它还在1919年颁布了地方宪法,在那里创造了一种新形式的殖民地公民身份。这场战争非但没有扩张,反而削弱了意大利帝国的实力。
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引用次数: 0
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The Italian Empire and the Great War
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