A great deal of attention has been paid to the distributional aspects of resource nationalism in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, but less is known about its effects on the state’s capacity. By unpacking the relations between resource nationalism, legal and institutional reform, broader political dynamics and capacity in mainland Tanzania, this paper argues that the effect of resource nationalism is ambivalent, in that it may both enable and hinder the development of capacity. We identify two phases of resource nationalism: a soft economic one in the early years of the oil price boom; and a more radical one in more recent years, with different impacts on state agencies. Whereas Tanzania’s national oil company, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), and its Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority (EWURA) initially developed into pockets of effectiveness aimed at re-regulating and controlling the rents under the private sector, they were increasingly being undermined as radical resource nationalism aimed at re-asserting sovereignty, reshaping ownership and increasing state control. We argue that these changes were decisively influenced by shifting ideas in the country’s ruling party on the role of the state in the economy, partly driven by intensified electoral competition. Although the radicalisation of resource nationalism was under way before the ascent to power of President Magufuli in 2015, his insecure power base led to decision-making being increasingly centralised, which undermined organisational autonomy and therefore capacity. These factors point to the importance of key decision-makers in supporting capacity, while also suggesting that direct political interference is likely to undermine capacity.
{"title":"Resource Nationalism: Enabler or Spoiler of Pockets of Effectiveness in ‘New Oil’ Tanzania’s Petroleum Sector?","authors":"Rasmus Pedersen, Thabit Jacob, P. Bofin","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3661558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3661558","url":null,"abstract":"A great deal of attention has been paid to the distributional aspects of resource nationalism in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, but less is known about its effects on the state’s capacity. By unpacking the relations between resource nationalism, legal and institutional reform, broader political dynamics and capacity in mainland Tanzania, this paper argues that the effect of resource nationalism is ambivalent, in that it may both enable and hinder the development of capacity. We identify two phases of resource nationalism: a soft economic one in the early years of the oil price boom; and a more radical one in more recent years, with different impacts on state agencies. Whereas Tanzania’s national oil company, the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), and its Energy and Water Utilities Regulatory Authority (EWURA) initially developed into pockets of effectiveness aimed at re-regulating and controlling the rents under the private sector, they were increasingly being undermined as radical resource nationalism aimed at re-asserting sovereignty, reshaping ownership and increasing state control. We argue that these changes were decisively influenced by shifting ideas in the country’s ruling party on the role of the state in the economy, partly driven by intensified electoral competition. Although the radicalisation of resource nationalism was under way before the ascent to power of President Magufuli in 2015, his insecure power base led to decision-making being increasingly centralised, which undermined organisational autonomy and therefore capacity. These factors point to the importance of key decision-makers in supporting capacity, while also suggesting that direct political interference is likely to undermine capacity.","PeriodicalId":160688,"journal":{"name":"GeographyRN: Governance (Sub-Topic)","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121377177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Vélez, J. Robalino, J. Cárdenas, A. Paz, Eduardo Pacay
During the mid-1990s, one of the most ambitious land reforms in recent decades took place in Colombia. The reform recognized collective land rights of 5 million hectares by Afro-Colombian groups, with the dual goals of improving livelihoods and preserving valuable ecosystems. We estimate the impact of this collective land titling program on forest cover using panel data and a difference-in-difference empirical strategy. We find that overall, collective titling significantly reduces deforestation rates, but the effect varies substantially by sub-region. We observe that the larger effects are in Narino and Valle del Cauca especially in places with higher deforestation threat, closer to the forest frontier, to roads, and to navigable rivers, as well as in places without illegal crops. Our qualitative analysis suggest that this might be the result of communities being able to expel private companies from their lands which is more challenging with actors promoting illegal crops. We conclude that under the adequate conditions, titling can lead to forest conservation.
{"title":"Is Collective Titling Enough to Protect Forests? Evidence from Afro-Descendant Communities in the Colombian Pacific Region","authors":"M. Vélez, J. Robalino, J. Cárdenas, A. Paz, Eduardo Pacay","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3334497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3334497","url":null,"abstract":"During the mid-1990s, one of the most ambitious land reforms in recent decades took place in Colombia. The reform recognized collective land rights of 5 million hectares by Afro-Colombian groups, with the dual goals of improving livelihoods and preserving valuable ecosystems. We estimate the impact of this collective land titling program on forest cover using panel data and a difference-in-difference empirical strategy. We find that overall, collective titling significantly reduces deforestation rates, but the effect varies substantially by sub-region. We observe that the larger effects are in Narino and Valle del Cauca especially in places with higher deforestation threat, closer to the forest frontier, to roads, and to navigable rivers, as well as in places without illegal crops. Our qualitative analysis suggest that this might be the result of communities being able to expel private companies from their lands which is more challenging with actors promoting illegal crops. We conclude that under the adequate conditions, titling can lead to forest conservation.","PeriodicalId":160688,"journal":{"name":"GeographyRN: Governance (Sub-Topic)","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115044323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Spanish Abstract: A base de secuenciar y parcializar en exceso las medidas adoptadas se ha conducido a la economía cubana a una situación indeseable, en donde ni rige la lógica del pasado, ni se ha permitido que prospere una nueva lógica económica. Diríamos que Cuba, desde hace ya años, aparece en tierra de nadie, atrapada en el medio de un proceso de cambio (stuck in the middle), quizá la peor de las opciones.
English Abstract: Reforms in some areas were successful by making improvements in other areas. Although caution is necessary, the partial nature of the actions hindered economic growth, and neither the logic of the past nor the new economic model promoted development. For many years, Cuba has been isolated and stuck in the middle, which is perhaps the worst of the options.
摘要:由于对所采取的措施进行了过多的顺序和偏见，古巴经济陷入了一种不受欢迎的情况，在这种情况下，过去的逻辑既不适用，也不允许新的经济逻辑繁荣。我们可以说，古巴多年来一直处于无人区，被夹在变革进程的中间，这也许是最糟糕的选择。English Abstract:改革in some areas是成功by making改善in other areas。虽然需要注意，但行动的片面性质阻碍了经济增长，而不是过去的逻辑或新的经济模式促进了发展。多年来，古巴一直被孤立和夹在中间，这也许是最糟糕的选择。
{"title":"La reforma económica en Cuba: Atrapada en el medio (Cuban Economic Reforms: Stuck in the Middle)","authors":"J. Alonso, Pavel Vidal Alejandro","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3504945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3504945","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Spanish Abstract:</b> A base de secuenciar y parcializar en exceso las medidas adoptadas se ha conducido a la economía cubana a una situación indeseable, en donde ni rige la lógica del pasado, ni se ha permitido que prospere una nueva lógica económica. Diríamos que Cuba, desde hace ya años, aparece en tierra de nadie, atrapada en el medio de un proceso de cambio (stuck in the middle), quizá la peor de las opciones.<br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> Reforms in some areas were successful by making improvements in other areas. Although caution is necessary, the partial nature of the actions hindered economic growth, and neither the logic of the past nor the new economic model promoted development. For many years, Cuba has been isolated and stuck in the middle, which is perhaps the worst of the options.","PeriodicalId":160688,"journal":{"name":"GeographyRN: Governance (Sub-Topic)","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123216351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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