Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022120039001
金蕙涵 金蕙涵
《明集禮》中記載的官賜明器包含了一組錫明器，常見於明代功臣和皇室成員的墓葬中，學界多從禮制實踐的角度對其進行探討。然而，根據紀年墓的材料，考古發掘的錫明器種類並非完全與禮書中的品項對應，反而可以見到宋元以來逐漸發展的供器，在明墓中也以錫器的形態呈現。這些錫供器強化了錫明器的祭祀意味，改變了這組器物原本的功能和意義。本文以明代功臣墓、藩王墓和定陵出土的錫供器為核心，探討禮制與實踐之間的動態性發展。 The Collection of Ming Rites lists sets of pewter vessels that emperors bestowed upon their prominent officials for their burial use. Current scholarship usually interprets these excavated vessels in terms of written ritual prescripts. However, when comparing the chronology of tomb evidence along with the types of vessels found in recent archeological excavations to how these objects are discussed in ritual manuals, we can clearly see the gradual development from the Song and Yuan dynasties of altar vessels and their manufacture, which amplified the sacrificial significance of these objects. How we understand these developments changes how we interpret the use of the late Ming vessels and furthermore requires a revision of our scholarly conclusions as to the function and meaning of the use of burial vessels in the Ming. This article analyzes pewter vessels found in tombs of prominent officials, princes, and the emperor to deepen our understanding of the dynamic relationship between rites and practices.
《明集礼》中记载的官赐明器包含了一组锡明器，常见于明代功臣和皇室成员的墓葬中，学界多从礼制实践的角度对其进行探讨。然而，根据纪年墓的材料，考古发掘的锡明器种类并非完全与礼书中的品项对应，反而可以见到宋元以来逐渐发展的供器，在明墓中也以锡器的形态呈现。这些锡供器强化了锡明器的祭祀意味，改变了这组器物原本的功能和意义。本文以明代功臣墓、藩王墓和定陵出土的锡供器为核心，探讨礼制与实践之间的动态性发展。 The Collection of Ming Rites lists sets of pewter vessels that emperors bestowed upon their prominent officials for their burial use. Current scholarship usually interprets these excavated vessels in terms of written ritual prescripts. However, when comparing the chronology of tomb evidence along with the types of vessels found in recent archeological excavations to how these objects are discussed in ritual manuals, we can clearly see the gradual development from the Song and Yuan dynasties of altar vessels and their manufacture, which amplified the sacrificial significance of these objects. How we understand these developments changes how we interpret the use of the late Ming vessels and furthermore requires a revision of our scholarly conclusions as to the function and meaning of the use of burial vessels in the Ming. This article analyzes pewter vessels found in tombs of prominent officials, princes, and the emperor to deepen our understanding of the dynamic relationship between rites and practices.
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Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022120039004
李玉童 李玉童
本文以明代印行的戲本為主要研究對象，探討晚明的戲曲家與發行商如何運用及闡釋男性夢境（dreamscape），以創造兩性的情感空間。夢境作為諸多中國古代戲劇文學的重要情節之一，以各種形式多次被呈現於舞台上與話本中。筆者以《梧桐雨》、《西廂記》、《漢宮秋》、《揚州夢》等戲劇作為研究文本，探討明代刊物中以男性為主體的夢境插圖。本文首先闡述元明戲劇中塑造男性夢境最常見的兩種模式：其中一種夢境時光回溯到離別發生前更早的節點，第二種夢境則塑造一個替代腳本（alternative scenario），合理地消解現實的悲劇。其次，本文以圖像為中心，重點討論其中「女性凝視」（female gaze）的母題如何使男性夢境中的女方由慾望的客體轉為視覺上的主體。通過描繪女性穿越夢境與現實的視線，這些明代戲劇插圖成為一種對同時代男性文人被欲求之渴望的顯像。 This article focuses on how late Ming dramatists and publishers employed and interpreted dreamscapes to create affective realms. The literary trope of dreams features prominently on the theatrical stage and in the pages of illustrated publications of playscripts. This article examines the illustrations of male dreamscapes in such Ming dynasty theatrical texts as Autumn Nights for the Tang Emperor: Rain on the Parasol Trees, Romance of the Western Chamber, Sorrow in the Han Palace, and Dream of Yangzhou. This article first discusses the two most common modes of male dreamscape in Yuan and Ming operas. The first mode introduces a dream scenario as a means to recall a happier moment from earlier in the play, and the second mode imagines a new alternative reality that functions to supplant the more tragic circumstances depicted in the main storyline. Centered upon images, this study then elaborates on how the motif of the female gaze is used by male playwrights to visually transform female characters from an object of desire to a desiring subject. Through the depiction of the female gaze which traverses the boundary between dream and reality, these Ming illustrations became sites for men within and outside of the play to project their desire of being desired.
本文以明代印行的戏本为主要研究对象，探讨晚明的戏曲家与发行商如何运用及阐释男性梦境（dreamscape），以创造两性的情感空间。梦境作为诸多中国古代戏剧文学的重要情节之一，以各种形式多次被呈现于舞台上与话本中。笔者以《梧桐雨》、《西厢记》、《汉宫秋》、《扬州梦》等戏剧作为研究文本，探讨明代刊物中以男性为主体的梦境插图。本文首先阐述元明戏剧中塑造男性梦境最常见的两种模式：其中一种梦境时光回溯到离别发生前更早的节点，第二种梦境则塑造一个替代脚本（alternative scenario），合理地消解现实的悲剧。其次，本文以图像为中心，重点讨论其中「女性凝视」（female gaze）的母题如何使男性梦境中的女方由欲望的客体转为视觉上的主体。通过描绘女性穿越梦境与现实的视线，这些明代戏剧插图成为一种对同时代男性文人被欲求之渴望的显像。 This article focuses on how late Ming dramatists and publishers employed and interpreted dreamscapes to create affective realms. The literary trope of dreams features prominently on the theatrical stage and in the pages of illustrated publications of playscripts. This article examines the illustrations of male dreamscapes in such Ming dynasty theatrical texts as Autumn Nights for the Tang Emperor: Rain on the Parasol Trees, Romance of the Western Chamber, Sorrow in the Han Palace, and Dream of Yangzhou. This article first discusses the two most common modes of male dreamscape in Yuan and Ming operas. The first mode introduces a dream scenario as a means to recall a happier moment from earlier in the play, and the second mode imagines a new alternative reality that functions to supplant the more tragic circumstances depicted in the main storyline. Centered upon images, this study then elaborates on how the motif of the female gaze is used by male playwrights to visually transform female characters from an object of desire to a desiring subject. Through the depiction of the female gaze which traverses the boundary between dream and reality, these Ming illustrations became sites for men within and outside of the play to project their desire of being desired.
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Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022120039002
譚家齊 譚家齊
本文以前人罕有採用的明太祖朱元璋御撰教化書《癉惡錄》作為主要史料，探討洪武中後期的法制弊端。除了梳理有關《癉惡錄》的版本及流傳情況，討論此書對了解明初法制及社會的史料價值外，也從明太祖的視角分析此書序文與後序提及的法制問題，指出太祖有意無視獄政及徒流處分管理糜爛，以加強對臣民犯法的恐嚇。接著，再集中討論是書撻伐中低級貪污官員犯案的「累惡不悛」篇，尤其注意在中樞官署處理軍政及司法事務的官員，他們本身貪贓枉法的罪行。明太祖既於洪武十八至二十年間頒行了三篇《大誥》，《癉惡錄》的案件令他了解社會對重典的反應，亦讓這位猛烈求治的君主在列舉臣民惡行的同時，也反思刑殺的教化效果，以及法制應向輕重得宜的「中典」發展。 This article focuses on a selection of early Ming legal cases as presented in the 1390 publication Dan’e lu (A Record of Condemning Evil), an educational transformation text written by the first Ming Emperor, Zhu Yuanzhang (1368-1398). This rare book has yet to receive an extended analysis and for this reason the article opens with a discussion of the Dan’e lu’s publication history and argues that in its reflection of how the early Ming judiciary system operated this work is of historical value. In light of the preface, postface, as well as the legal cases against officials in the section entitled “Corrupt Acts of the Unrepentant,” the remaining sections of this article investigate various serious offenses committed by officials from the military and judicial administrations post-1385. Zhu Yuanzhang deliberately overlooked prison mismanagement and other corrupt official practices because he saw it as a means to deter the general population from breaking the law. By investigating the complicated interactions between Zhu and his central officials in the judicial arena as outlined in the Dan’e lu’s cases, this article argues that these legal cases allowed Zhu to gauge social reaction to the cruel punishments implemented in the 1385 Great Announcement (Dagao), while at the same time he enumerated societal wrong-doing, and reflected on the fact that his injunctions had little effect on corrupt officials, thus revealing the limitations of his attempt to reform society through heavy-handed legal measures.
本文以前人罕有采用的明太祖朱元璋御撰教化书《瘅恶录》作为主要史料，探讨洪武中后期的法制弊端。除了梳理有关《瘅恶录》的版本及流传情况，讨论此书对了解明初法制及社会的史料价值外，也从明太祖的视角分析此书序文与后序提及的法制问题，指出太祖有意无视狱政及徒流处分管理糜烂，以加强对臣民犯法的恐吓。接著，再集中讨论是书挞伐中低级贪污官员犯案的「累恶不悛」篇，尤其注意在中枢官署处理军政及司法事务的官员，他们本身贪赃枉法的罪行。明太祖既于洪武十八至二十年间颁行了三篇《大诰》，《瘅恶录》的案件令他了解社会对重典的反应，亦让这位猛烈求治的君主在列举臣民恶行的同时，也反思刑杀的教化效果，以及法制应向轻重得宜的「中典」发展。 This article focuses on a selection of early Ming legal cases as presented in the 1390 publication Dan’e lu (A Record of Condemning Evil), an educational transformation text written by the first Ming Emperor, Zhu Yuanzhang (1368-1398). This rare book has yet to receive an extended analysis and for this reason the article opens with a discussion of the Dan’e lu’s publication history and argues that in its reflection of how the early Ming judiciary system operated this work is of historical value. In light of the preface, postface, as well as the legal cases against officials in the section entitled “Corrupt Acts of the Unrepentant,” the remaining sections of this article investigate various serious offenses committed by officials from the military and judicial administrations post-1385. Zhu Yuanzhang deliberately overlooked prison mismanagement and other corrupt official practices because he saw it as a means to deter the general population from breaking the law. By investigating the complicated interactions between Zhu and his central officials in the judicial arena as outlined in the Dan’e lu’s cases, this article argues that these legal cases allowed Zhu to gauge social reaction to the cruel punishments implemented in the 1385 Great Announcement (Dagao), while at the same time he enumerated societal wrong-doing, and reflected on the fact that his injunctions had little effect on corrupt officials, thus revealing the limitations of his attempt to reform society through heavy-handed legal measures.
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Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022120039005
胡劍波 胡劍波
關於燕王取大寧事，流行的「燕王計取大寧」說疑點重重，並不可信。該說為逐步建構而成，在嘉靖初期《姜氏秘史》、《革朝志》中出現了該說的雛形，後在嘉靖末《吾學編》中出現了該說的一個完整版本，其後在萬曆前期《皇明書》中又出現了該說的另一個完整版本，這兩個版本的「燕王計取大寧」說皆為後世所承襲。實際上，燕王取大寧事的發展與朝廷、燕王和寧王三方勢力的互動有關。建文帝即位後，朝廷試圖控制大寧軍隊，但處置不當，使得大寧軍隊中寧王勢力和朝廷勢力相互不信任。燕王趁機進攻大寧，使得寧王勢力倒戈，從而輕而易舉地征服了大寧地區。其後，燕王為掌控大寧軍隊，脅迫寧王南行，並對軍隊進行改編，融合燕王勢力和寧王勢力，奠定了帝業的基礎。 As for the historical account about “The Prince of Yan Plots the Overthrow of Daning” with respect to the actual events of the overthrow there are many doubtful points that undermine its credibility. This particular story was constructed gradually over a period of time. In the early Jiajing reign (1522-1566) the rudiments of the story appeared in Jiangshi mishi (The Inside History [of the Jianwen Reign]) and in Gechao zhi (A Chronicle of Dynastic Reform). The first complete account of the incident was written at the end of the Jiajing reign in Wuxue bian (My Learning). During the Wanli reign, a second different account was published in Huangming shu (History of the August Ming). These two later accounts of this incident were inherited by later generations of scholars. In fact, the development of the conquest of Daning was related to three centers of power, the imperial court, the Prince of Yan’s forces, and the Prince of Ning’s forces. After Emperor Jianwen ascended the throne, the imperial court tried to control the Daning army, but this was badly mishandled and only created distrust between the forces of the Prince of Ning, the imperial court, and the Daning army. The Prince of Yan took the opportunity to attack Daning, which forced the Prince of Ning’s army to surrender to him and thus he easily conquered the Daning area. Later, in order to control the army of Daning, the Prince of Yan forced the Prince of Ning to flee to the south while he reorganized the army by integrating the forces Yan and Ning, thus laying the foundation for the Yongle Emperor’s achievements.
关于燕王取大宁事，流行的「燕王计取大宁」说疑点重重，并不可信。该说为逐步建构而成，在嘉靖初期《姜氏秘史》、《革朝志》中出现了该说的雏形，后在嘉靖末《吾学编》中出现了该说的一个完整版本，其后在万历前期《皇明书》中又出现了该说的另一个完整版本，这两个版本的「燕王计取大宁」说皆为后世所承袭。实际上，燕王取大宁事的发展与朝廷、燕王和宁王三方势力的互动有关。建文帝即位后，朝廷试图控制大宁军队，但处置不当，使得大宁军队中宁王势力和朝廷势力相互不信任。燕王趁机进攻大宁，使得宁王势力倒戈，从而轻而易举地征服了大宁地区。其后，燕王为掌控大宁军队，胁迫宁王南行，并对军队进行改编，融合燕王势力和宁王势力，奠定了帝业的基础。 As for the historical account about “The Prince of Yan Plots the Overthrow of Daning” with respect to the actual events of the overthrow there are many doubtful points that undermine its credibility. This particular story was constructed gradually over a period of time. In the early Jiajing reign (1522-1566) the rudiments of the story appeared in Jiangshi mishi (The Inside History [of the Jianwen Reign]) and in Gechao zhi (A Chronicle of Dynastic Reform). The first complete account of the incident was written at the end of the Jiajing reign in Wuxue bian (My Learning). During the Wanli reign, a second different account was published in Huangming shu (History of the August Ming). These two later accounts of this incident were inherited by later generations of scholars. In fact, the development of the conquest of Daning was related to three centers of power, the imperial court, the Prince of Yan’s forces, and the Prince of Ning’s forces. After Emperor Jianwen ascended the throne, the imperial court tried to control the Daning army, but this was badly mishandled and only created distrust between the forces of the Prince of Ning, the imperial court, and the Daning army. The Prince of Yan took the opportunity to attack Daning, which forced the Prince of Ning’s army to surrender to him and thus he easily conquered the Daning area. Later, in order to control the army of Daning, the Prince of Yan forced the Prince of Ning to flee to the south while he reorganized the army by integrating the forces Yan and Ning, thus laying the foundation for the Yongle Emperor’s achievements.
{"title":"「燕王計取大寧」說獻疑──兼述燕王取大寧事","authors":"胡劍波 胡劍波","doi":"10.53106/160759942022120039005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/160759942022120039005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 關於燕王取大寧事，流行的「燕王計取大寧」說疑點重重，並不可信。該說為逐步建構而成，在嘉靖初期《姜氏秘史》、《革朝志》中出現了該說的雛形，後在嘉靖末《吾學編》中出現了該說的一個完整版本，其後在萬曆前期《皇明書》中又出現了該說的另一個完整版本，這兩個版本的「燕王計取大寧」說皆為後世所承襲。實際上，燕王取大寧事的發展與朝廷、燕王和寧王三方勢力的互動有關。建文帝即位後，朝廷試圖控制大寧軍隊，但處置不當，使得大寧軍隊中寧王勢力和朝廷勢力相互不信任。燕王趁機進攻大寧，使得寧王勢力倒戈，從而輕而易舉地征服了大寧地區。其後，燕王為掌控大寧軍隊，脅迫寧王南行，並對軍隊進行改編，融合燕王勢力和寧王勢力，奠定了帝業的基礎。\u0000 As for the historical account about “The Prince of Yan Plots the Overthrow of Daning” with respect to the actual events of the overthrow there are many doubtful points that undermine its credibility. This particular story was constructed gradually over a period of time. In the early Jiajing reign (1522-1566) the rudiments of the story appeared in Jiangshi mishi (The Inside History [of the Jianwen Reign]) and in Gechao zhi (A Chronicle of Dynastic Reform). The first complete account of the incident was written at the end of the Jiajing reign in Wuxue bian (My Learning). During the Wanli reign, a second different account was published in Huangming shu (History of the August Ming). These two later accounts of this incident were inherited by later generations of scholars. In fact, the development of the conquest of Daning was related to three centers of power, the imperial court, the Prince of Yan’s forces, and the Prince of Ning’s forces. After Emperor Jianwen ascended the throne, the imperial court tried to control the Daning army, but this was badly mishandled and only created distrust between the forces of the Prince of Ning, the imperial court, and the Daning army. The Prince of Yan took the opportunity to attack Daning, which forced the Prince of Ning’s army to surrender to him and thus he easily conquered the Daning area. Later, in order to control the army of Daning, the Prince of Yan forced the Prince of Ning to flee to the south while he reorganized the army by integrating the forces Yan and Ning, thus laying the foundation for the Yongle Emperor’s achievements.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":160957,"journal":{"name":"明代研究","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132568410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022120039003
吳舒嵐 吳舒嵐
驛傳是中國古代官方的交通、通訊系統，其運營有民遞、軍遞等不同形式。到了明代，驛傳作為一種特殊的徭役，雖然主要從民戶中僉派，但有一類特殊驛夫，稱為站軍，其應役場所稱為軍站。儘管站軍承擔著與民驛夫類似的公文遞送、置辦鋪陳之責，但其戶籍歸屬於軍戶，行政管理上也隸屬「衛所─都指揮使司─五軍都督府」這一系統之內。這一現象的出現，與明初對於元代「諸色戶計」差役的調整密切相關。隨著衛所軍士的逃亡，以及民驛折銀化的出現，從嘉靖年間起，各地巡撫也開始從軍費或各府庫調撥專款，為軍站提供協濟，同時軍站內部也出現了少量的雇役因素。這一改革在維繫邊防一帶的驛遞系統之際，也使得明末「一條鞭法」的精神滲透入衛所系統中，軍站與民驛得以進一步合流。 The postal relay system in ancient China served as the official method of communication and transportation and included both civil and military delivery. In the Ming dynasty, the postal relay system created a new special corvée labour status. Even though the majority of the work was assigned to civilian households, there remained a special class of workers, called Relay Postal Personnel (zhanjun). This group worked at sites that were designated military postal stations. The postal personnel were responsible for the delivery of official documents and managed the distribution of supplies—similar to that of civilian households—yet their household registration fell under the jurisdiction of military households and fell under the government administration which subordinated them under the military garrison system—the Commander-in-Chief of the Military Command—the Five Chief Military Commissions. The emergence of this phenomenon was closely related to the adjustments made in the early Ming dynasty to the corvée labour system inherited from the Yuan Dynasty. After the garrison guards fled their posts, and the emergence of the tax system of ‘splitting the silver taels’ was instituted at the civilian postal stations, every provincial governor from the mid-Jiajing era onward began to transfer funds from military budgets and the government treasury to provide assistance to the military stations. At the same time, military postal stations experienced a shortage of hired labor. These reforms shored up the the courier system in border areas and extended the spirit of the ‘Single-whip Method’ of levying taxes to the Garrison (weisuo) system, military postal stations, and civilian postal stations which could thus all develop along the same trajectory.
驿传是中国古代官方的交通、通讯系统，其运营有民递、军递等不同形式。到了明代，驿传作为一种特殊的徭役，虽然主要从民户中佥派，但有一类特殊驿夫，称为站军，其应役场所称为军站。尽管站军承担著与民驿夫类似的公文递送、置办铺陈之责，但其户籍归属于军户，行政管理上也隶属「卫所─都指挥使司─五军都督府」这一系统之内。这一现象的出现，与明初对于元代「诸色户计」差役的调整密切相关。随著卫所军士的逃亡，以及民驿折银化的出现，从嘉靖年间起，各地巡抚也开始从军费或各府库调拨专款，为军站提供协济，同时军站内部也出现了少量的雇役因素。这一改革在维系边防一带的驿递系统之际，也使得明末「一条鞭法」的精神渗透入卫所系统中，军站与民驿得以进一步合流。 The postal relay system in ancient China served as the official method of communication and transportation and included both civil and military delivery. In the Ming dynasty, the postal relay system created a new special corvée labour status. Even though the majority of the work was assigned to civilian households, there remained a special class of workers, called Relay Postal Personnel (zhanjun). This group worked at sites that were designated military postal stations. The postal personnel were responsible for the delivery of official documents and managed the distribution of supplies—similar to that of civilian households—yet their household registration fell under the jurisdiction of military households and fell under the government administration which subordinated them under the military garrison system—the Commander-in-Chief of the Military Command—the Five Chief Military Commissions. The emergence of this phenomenon was closely related to the adjustments made in the early Ming dynasty to the corvée labour system inherited from the Yuan Dynasty. After the garrison guards fled their posts, and the emergence of the tax system of ‘splitting the silver taels’ was instituted at the civilian postal stations, every provincial governor from the mid-Jiajing era onward began to transfer funds from military budgets and the government treasury to provide assistance to the military stations. At the same time, military postal stations experienced a shortage of hired labor. These reforms shored up the the courier system in border areas and extended the spirit of the ‘Single-whip Method’ of levying taxes to the Garrison (weisuo) system, military postal stations, and civilian postal stations which could thus all develop along the same trajectory.
{"title":"明代的軍站與站軍","authors":"吳舒嵐 吳舒嵐","doi":"10.53106/160759942022120039003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/160759942022120039003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 驛傳是中國古代官方的交通、通訊系統，其運營有民遞、軍遞等不同形式。到了明代，驛傳作為一種特殊的徭役，雖然主要從民戶中僉派，但有一類特殊驛夫，稱為站軍，其應役場所稱為軍站。儘管站軍承擔著與民驛夫類似的公文遞送、置辦鋪陳之責，但其戶籍歸屬於軍戶，行政管理上也隸屬「衛所─都指揮使司─五軍都督府」這一系統之內。這一現象的出現，與明初對於元代「諸色戶計」差役的調整密切相關。隨著衛所軍士的逃亡，以及民驛折銀化的出現，從嘉靖年間起，各地巡撫也開始從軍費或各府庫調撥專款，為軍站提供協濟，同時軍站內部也出現了少量的雇役因素。這一改革在維繫邊防一帶的驛遞系統之際，也使得明末「一條鞭法」的精神滲透入衛所系統中，軍站與民驛得以進一步合流。\u0000 The postal relay system in ancient China served as the official method of communication and transportation and included both civil and military delivery. In the Ming dynasty, the postal relay system created a new special corvée labour status. Even though the majority of the work was assigned to civilian households, there remained a special class of workers, called Relay Postal Personnel (zhanjun). This group worked at sites that were designated military postal stations. The postal personnel were responsible for the delivery of official documents and managed the distribution of supplies—similar to that of civilian households—yet their household registration fell under the jurisdiction of military households and fell under the government administration which subordinated them under the military garrison system—the Commander-in-Chief of the Military Command—the Five Chief Military Commissions. The emergence of this phenomenon was closely related to the adjustments made in the early Ming dynasty to the corvée labour system inherited from the Yuan Dynasty. After the garrison guards fled their posts, and the emergence of the tax system of ‘splitting the silver taels’ was instituted at the civilian postal stations, every provincial governor from the mid-Jiajing era onward began to transfer funds from military budgets and the government treasury to provide assistance to the military stations. At the same time, military postal stations experienced a shortage of hired labor. These reforms shored up the the courier system in border areas and extended the spirit of the ‘Single-whip Method’ of levying taxes to the Garrison (weisuo) system, military postal stations, and civilian postal stations which could thus all develop along the same trajectory.\u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":160957,"journal":{"name":"明代研究","volume":"485 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115860834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.53106/160759942022060038003
李華彥 李華彥
明朝長城邊外的東北地區，散處眾多羈縻衛所，其中以蒙古兀良哈三衛部落最大，為近邊主要勢力，其自明初受封後，即擁有朝貢貿易資格，並且日益向南遷徙、駐牧，影響明邊東段情勢甚巨。兀良哈三衛雖為明朝「屬夷」，但從未脫離與蒙古世界的聯繫，對明朝叛服不定，唯其勢力也從未能稱霸塞外，一直扮演著關鍵大部落的角色。十六世紀時，達延汗中興元裔，一統蒙古，兀良哈三衛同時向明朝稱臣，後被元裔勢力瓜分，僅朵顏衛持續興盛並成為三衛領導力量，直至明末。歷來的明史研究中，鮮見探究朵顏衛的來源、在明朝的發展，及其在晚明與元裔結盟的情況，這些問題尚有諸多不明之處。本文主要研究明朝朵顏的來源與發展，將先追溯明初「兀良哈三衛」之來源，再考察其首領部落朵顏衛的發展，進而釐清兀良哈部在明朝、河套平原俺答、察哈爾高原蒙古大汗等主要政權間扮演的角色。 There were numerous garrisons (weisuo) under the Ming dynasty’s ‘bridle and halter’ administrative system scattered across the northeast territory beyond the Great Wall. One garrison among them incorporated three tribes and was known as the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison. The Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison was under Ming rule, but it also had close connections with Mongolian rulers and functioned as an autonomous military unit. It became the influential force residing in greatest proximity to the Ming border and possessed the right to trade with the Ming. When in the sixteenth-century, the Yuan descendant Dayan Khan reunited Mongolia, including the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison, the latter were still a vassal of the Ming court. The Duoyan Garrison became the leading force among the Wu-Liang-Ha tribes up through the early 17th century, yet its history has rarely been studied. The primary aim of this paper is to flesh out the origin and development of the Duoyan Garrsion after 1600 and adumbrate the role it played between the northern tribes and Ming China.
明朝长城边外的东北地区，散处众多羁縻卫所，其中以蒙古兀良哈三卫部落最大，为近边主要势力，其自明初受封后，即拥有朝贡贸易资格，并且日益向南迁徙、驻牧，影响明边东段情势甚巨。兀良哈三卫虽为明朝「属夷」，但从未脱离与蒙古世界的联系，对明朝叛服不定，唯其势力也从未能称霸塞外，一直扮演著关键大部落的角色。十六世纪时，达延汗中兴元裔，一统蒙古，兀良哈三卫同时向明朝称臣，后被元裔势力瓜分，仅朵颜卫持续兴盛并成为三卫领导力量，直至明末。历来的明史研究中，鲜见探究朵颜卫的来源、在明朝的发展，及其在晚明与元裔结盟的情况，这些问题尚有诸多不明之处。本文主要研究明朝朵颜的来源与发展，将先追溯明初「兀良哈三卫」之来源，再考察其首领部落朵颜卫的发展，进而厘清兀良哈部在明朝、河套平原俺答、察哈尔高原蒙古大汗等主要政权间扮演的角色。 There were numerous garrisons (weisuo) under the Ming dynasty’s ‘bridle and halter’ administrative system scattered across the northeast territory beyond the Great Wall. One garrison among them incorporated three tribes and was known as the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison. The Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison was under Ming rule, but it also had close connections with Mongolian rulers and functioned as an autonomous military unit. It became the influential force residing in greatest proximity to the Ming border and possessed the right to trade with the Ming. When in the sixteenth-century, the Yuan descendant Dayan Khan reunited Mongolia, including the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison, the latter were still a vassal of the Ming court. The Duoyan Garrison became the leading force among the Wu-Liang-Ha tribes up through the early 17th century, yet its history has rarely been studied. The primary aim of this paper is to flesh out the origin and development of the Duoyan Garrsion after 1600 and adumbrate the role it played between the northern tribes and Ming China.
{"title":"明朝朵顏衛的來源、發展與動向","authors":"李華彥 李華彥","doi":"10.53106/160759942022060038003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53106/160759942022060038003","url":null,"abstract":"明朝長城邊外的東北地區，散處眾多羈縻衛所，其中以蒙古兀良哈三衛部落最大，為近邊主要勢力，其自明初受封後，即擁有朝貢貿易資格，並且日益向南遷徙、駐牧，影響明邊東段情勢甚巨。兀良哈三衛雖為明朝「屬夷」，但從未脫離與蒙古世界的聯繫，對明朝叛服不定，唯其勢力也從未能稱霸塞外，一直扮演著關鍵大部落的角色。十六世紀時，達延汗中興元裔，一統蒙古，兀良哈三衛同時向明朝稱臣，後被元裔勢力瓜分，僅朵顏衛持續興盛並成為三衛領導力量，直至明末。歷來的明史研究中，鮮見探究朵顏衛的來源、在明朝的發展，及其在晚明與元裔結盟的情況，這些問題尚有諸多不明之處。本文主要研究明朝朵顏的來源與發展，將先追溯明初「兀良哈三衛」之來源，再考察其首領部落朵顏衛的發展，進而釐清兀良哈部在明朝、河套平原俺答、察哈爾高原蒙古大汗等主要政權間扮演的角色。 There were numerous garrisons (weisuo) under the Ming dynasty’s ‘bridle and halter’ administrative system scattered across the northeast territory beyond the Great Wall. One garrison among them incorporated three tribes and was known as the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison. The Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison was under Ming rule, but it also had close connections with Mongolian rulers and functioned as an autonomous military unit. It became the influential force residing in greatest proximity to the Ming border and possessed the right to trade with the Ming. When in the sixteenth-century, the Yuan descendant Dayan Khan reunited Mongolia, including the Wu-Liang-Ha Garrison, the latter were still a vassal of the Ming court. The Duoyan Garrison became the leading force among the Wu-Liang-Ha tribes up through the early 17th century, yet its history has rarely been studied. The primary aim of this paper is to flesh out the origin and development of the Duoyan Garrsion after 1600 and adumbrate the role it played between the northern tribes and Ming China.","PeriodicalId":160957,"journal":{"name":"明代研究","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128247015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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