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Handbook of Organised Crime and Politics最新文献

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Australia: organised crime, donations and political assassinations 澳大利亚:有组织犯罪、捐款和政治暗杀
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00035
David Bright, C. Ham
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引用次数: 0
Germany: ‘Ndrangheta, settlements and democracy 德国:Ndrangheta,定居点和民主
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00013
Martina Bedetti, Nicolò Dalponte
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引用次数: 0
The Pacific Islands: politics, organised crime and corruption 太平洋群岛:政治、有组织犯罪和腐败
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00040
G. Walton, Sinclair Dinnen
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引用次数: 3
India: systemic criminality, work and the politics of labour 印度:系统性犯罪,工作和劳工政治
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00037
Andrew V. Sanchez
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引用次数: 0
The European Union: organised crime policies, politics and the EU 欧盟:有组织犯罪政策、政治与欧盟
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00042
Jelle Janssens, Anke De Vos
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引用次数: 1
Colombia: organised crime, politics, and convenience 哥伦比亚:有组织犯罪、政治和便利
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00027
A. Idler
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引用次数: 1
France: criminal organisations, urban gangs and politics 法国:犯罪组织、城市帮派和政治
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00011
Jean Briquet, Gilles Favarel-garrigues
Organised crime has only recently become an issue on France’s public agenda, and its potential links with politics even later. Unlike the situation in other countries such as the United States (US) or Italy, the political dimension of criminal groups – the exchange of protection for services between those in the underworld and politicians, the so-called political‒criminal collusion in corruption networks and illicit economy, and the clandestine relationship between violent entrepreneurs and the state – has largely had no bearing on government agenda. Neither has it been a mobilising force for political groups, social movements or professional sectors (judiciary, police, journalism, intellectuals) who, much like what happened with the Italian anti-mafia movement during the 1990s, would come to place this political‒criminal question at the heart of the political debate and law enforcement efforts. In the absence of demand from governments, civic associations or political parties, academic research has been largely uninterested in these issues, while official data on the subject is scarce and insufficient. Nevertheless, some historical and scientific studies, judicial and parliamentary inquiries, and journalistic investigations exist. This means that there are enough diverse and reliable sources to begin to paint a picture, albeit incomplete, of the relationships between criminal organisations and political institutions in France. In this chapter, after retracing the history of the fight against organised crime in France and highlighting the lack of interest of its relationship with politics, we draw on cases where sufficient material exists to elaborate this picture. We focus, firstly, on the ‘auxiliary’ functions (security, election campaign organisation, illegal deal facilitation) that criminal players secure for politicians; and secondly, on the existing local-scale political machines or political‒criminal configurations, using Corsica as a case study. The snapshot that emerges in this chapter strengthens the hypothesis that, contrary to popular opinion, France is not protected from phenomena related to the criminalisation of politics. This hypothesis is based on the existence of a strongly centralised and bureaucratised state on the one hand, and on the other, the fact that criminals were solely involved in activities that were almost exclusively delinquent. This gave political‒criminal agreements an evidently more fragile, temporary and fragmented form than those they undertook in other contexts (Briquet and Favarel-Garrigues, 2010).
有组织犯罪最近才成为法国公共议程上的一个问题,它与政治的潜在联系甚至更晚。与美国或意大利等其他国家的情况不同,犯罪集团的政治层面——黑社会分子与政客之间交换保护以换取服务,所谓的腐败网络和非法经济中的政治犯罪勾结,以及暴力企业家与国家之间的秘密关系——在很大程度上与政府议程无关。它也不是政治团体、社会运动或专业部门(司法、警察、新闻、知识分子)的动员力量,就像20世纪90年代意大利反黑手党运动所发生的那样,他们将政治犯罪问题置于政治辩论和执法努力的核心。由于缺乏政府、公民协会或政党的需求,学术研究基本上对这些问题不感兴趣,而有关这一主题的官方数据既少又不充分。尽管如此,仍然存在一些历史和科学研究、司法和议会调查以及新闻调查。这意味着有足够多样和可靠的资料来源,可以开始描绘一幅法国犯罪组织和政治机构之间关系的图画,尽管不完整。在本章中,在回顾了法国打击有组织犯罪的历史并强调其与政治的关系缺乏兴趣之后,我们借鉴了有足够材料存在的案例来阐述这一图景。首先,我们关注犯罪分子为政客提供的“辅助”功能(安全、竞选组织、非法交易便利);其次,以科西嘉岛为例,对现有的地方规模的政治机器或政治犯罪结构进行研究。本章中出现的快照加强了一个假设,即与普遍观点相反,法国并没有受到与政治犯罪化有关的现象的保护。这一假设一方面是基于一个高度集权和官僚化的国家的存在,另一方面是基于犯罪分子只参与几乎完全违法的活动这一事实。这使得政治犯罪协议显然比他们在其他情况下所达成的协议更加脆弱、暂时和碎片化(Briquet和Favarel-Garrigues, 2010)。
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引用次数: 0
Brazil: organised crime, corruption and urban violence 巴西:有组织犯罪、腐败和城市暴力
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00025
S. Adorno, Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias
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引用次数: 3
Malaysia: gangster boogie, bosses and politics 马来西亚:黑帮,老板和政治
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00039
S. Lemière
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引用次数: 1
Ukraine: organised crime, politics and frozen conflicts 乌克兰:有组织犯罪、政治和冰冻冲突
Pub Date : 2019-03-29 DOI: 10.4337/9781786434579.00016
Yuliya Zabyelina, A. Markovska
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引用次数: 2
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Handbook of Organised Crime and Politics
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