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Discourses of Fake News最新文献

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Poisoning the information well? 给信息下毒?
Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21029.TAN
Edson C. Tandoc Jr., A. Duffy, S. M. Jones-Jang, Winnie Goh Wen Pin
This study examines the impact of fake news discourse on perceptions of news media credibility. If participants are told they have been exposed to fake news, does this lead them to trust information institutions less, including the news media? Study 1 (n = 188) found that news media credibility decreased when participants were told they saw fake news, while news credibility did not change when participants were told they saw real news. Study 2 (n = 400) found that those who saw fake news – and were told they saw a fake news post – decreased their trust in the news media while those who saw fake news and were not debriefed did not change their perceptions of the news media. This shows that the social impact of fake news is not limited to its direct consequences of misinforming individuals, but also includes the potentially adverse effects of discussing fake news.
本研究考察了假新闻话语对新闻媒体可信度认知的影响。如果参与者被告知他们接触过假新闻,这是否会导致他们对包括新闻媒体在内的信息机构的信任度降低?研究1 (n = 188)发现,当参与者被告知他们看到的是假新闻时,新闻媒体的可信度下降,而当参与者被告知他们看到的是真实新闻时,新闻的可信度没有变化。研究2 (n = 400)发现,那些看到假新闻的人——并被告知他们看到了假新闻帖子——降低了他们对新闻媒体的信任,而那些看到假新闻但没有听取报告的人并没有改变他们对新闻媒体的看法。这表明,假新闻的社会影响不仅限于其误导个人的直接后果,还包括讨论假新闻的潜在不利影响。
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引用次数: 8
‘Fake news’ discourses “假新闻”言论
Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21032.DEH
Ehsan Dehghan, S. Glazunova
This article explores the strategic use of ‘fake news’ discourses in non-democratic contexts using a mixed-methods approach grounded in social network analysis and discourse theory. In contexts such as Russia and Iran, where the opposition generally does not have unrestricted access to the political public sphere, social media platforms serve to influence discourses. Given the prevalence of fake news discourses, previous studies have already focused extensively on the political elite and their use of this discourse within Western or Anglo-American contexts, and on the typologies of ‘fake news’. Our findings address this research gap and suggest that ordinary users in non-Western and non-democratic settings do not differentiate between ‘fake news’ types. Rather, they employ the discourse as a means to strategically delegitimise and discredit their opponents.
本文采用基于社会网络分析和话语理论的混合方法,探讨了在非民主背景下“假新闻”话语的战略使用。在俄罗斯和伊朗等国家,反对派通常无法不受限制地进入政治公共领域,社交媒体平台可以影响言论。鉴于假新闻话语的盛行,之前的研究已经广泛关注政治精英及其在西方或英美语境下对这种话语的使用,以及“假新闻”的类型学。我们的研究结果解决了这一研究缺口,并表明非西方和非民主环境下的普通用户无法区分“假新闻”类型。相反,他们利用这种话语作为一种手段,在战略上使对手失去合法性和信誉。
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引用次数: 6
Beyond ‘fake news’? 除了“假新闻”?
Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21027.WRI
S. Wright
This article longitudinally analyses how Australian politicians engage with, and attack, journalists and the media more generally on Twitter from 2011–2018. The article finds that attacks on journalists have increased significantly since 2016 when Trump came to power, but this is largely the preserve of populist and far-right politicians. These politicians rarely call the media fake, instead alleging bias or questioning the veracity or standards of reporting and production. Many politicians have a functional relationship with the media, rarely criticising the media. Attacks are largely focused on the national public service broadcaster, the ABC, with limited attacks on commercial media.
本文纵向分析了2011年至2018年期间,澳大利亚政客如何在推特上与记者和媒体进行更广泛的接触和攻击。文章发现,自2016年特朗普上台以来,对记者的攻击显著增加,但这在很大程度上是民粹主义和极右翼政客的专属。这些政客很少说媒体是假的,而是声称存在偏见,或质疑报道和制作的真实性或标准。许多政治家与媒体保持着功能性关系,很少批评媒体。攻击主要集中在国家公共服务广播公司ABC,对商业媒体的攻击有限。
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引用次数: 15
Recursion theory and the ‘death tax’ 递归理论与“死亡税”
Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21030.CAR
A. Carson, Andrew Gibbons, J. Phillips
Since the 2016 US federal election, political actors have weaponized online fake news as a means of gaining electoral advantage (Egelhofer and Lecheler 2019). To advance understandings of the actors and methods involved in perpetuating fake news, this article focuses on an Australian story that circulated on and offline through different discourses during the 2019 federal election. We use content analyses of 100,000 media articles and eight million Facebook posts to trace false claims that the centre-left Labor party would introduce an inheritance tax dubbed a ‘death tax’ if it won office. To understand this evolution of ‘death tax’ discourse on and offline – and its weaponization by various actors – we draw from existing theorems of agenda setting, backfire effects, and propose our own recursion theory.
自2016年美国联邦大选以来,政治行动者将网络假新闻武器化,作为获得选举优势的手段(Egelhofer和Lecheler 2019)。为了增进对延续假新闻的行动者和方法的理解,本文重点关注2019年联邦大选期间通过不同话语在网上和线下传播的一个澳大利亚故事。我们对10万篇媒体文章和800万Facebook帖子进行了内容分析,以追踪有关中左翼工党如果赢得大选将引入遗产税(被称为“死亡税”)的虚假说法。为了理解“死亡税”话语在网上和线下的演变——以及它被各种行动者武器化——我们借鉴了现有的议程设置定理、适得其反的效应,并提出了我们自己的递归理论。
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引用次数: 4
Audience constructions of fake news in Australian media representations of asylum seekers 观众对澳大利亚媒体中关于寻求庇护者的假新闻的建构
Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21028.HAW
Ashleigh L. Haw
In recent years, the term ‘fake news’ has gained considerable traction in scholarly and public discourse. While fake news is increasingly attributed to declining audience trust, we know little about how publics are making sense of the concept. To address this, I discuss findings arising from interviews with 24 Western Australian media consumers who offered their perspectives on Australian news coverage of asylum seekers. Combining Critical Discourse methods with Rhetorical Analysis, findings highlight how participants evaluated misinformation and disinformation about asylum seekers and in particular, how some adopted a discourse of ‘fake news’ to delegitimise perspectives that oppose their own stance. Discussed alongside Egelhofer and Lecheler’s (2019) theoretical framework of the fake news ‘label’, I argue that by understanding how audiences discussed fake news before the concept rose to prominence in 2016, scholars can meaningfully examine discursive patterns within social constructions of fake news across numerous contemporary and historical contexts.
近年来,“假新闻”一词在学术和公共话语中获得了相当大的关注。虽然假新闻越来越多地归因于受众信任度下降,但我们对公众如何理解这一概念知之甚少。为了解决这个问题,我讨论了对24位西澳大利亚媒体消费者的采访结果,他们提供了他们对澳大利亚寻求庇护者新闻报道的看法。将批判性话语方法与修辞分析相结合,研究结果突出了参与者如何评估关于寻求庇护者的错误信息和虚假信息,特别是一些人如何采用“假新闻”话语来使反对自己立场的观点合法化。与Egelhofer和Lecheler(2019)关于假新闻“标签”的理论框架一起讨论时,我认为,通过了解2016年假新闻概念兴起之前受众如何讨论假新闻,学者们可以在众多当代和历史背景下有意义地研究假新闻社会结构中的话语模式。
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引用次数: 4
Discourses of fake news 假新闻言论
Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21058.WRI
S. Wright
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引用次数: 7
Fighting an indestructible monster 与一个坚不可摧的怪物战斗
Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1075/JLP.21031.LIS
Juliane A. Lischka
U.S. journalism during the Trump era has experienced numerous legitimacy attacks by the leading political figure. Building on the concepts of institutional legitimacy and intentional trust, this study analyzes legitimation narratives in projections of journalism’s future, using the Harvard University’s NiemanLab Predictions of Journalism from 2017 to 2021. Projectory narratives are meaningful constructions of a field’s future and provide guidance for its actors. The qualitative analysis of a Trump-related subset of predictions (ca. n = 130) convey (1) confrontational narratives of threat, self-reproach, and epistemological authority loss. Confrontational narratives serve to secure consent for suggested transparency and audience relationship building solutions. These (2) solution narratives represent trustification strategies. Lastly, (3) survival narratives aim at regaining authority and agency through legacy mythopoesis and the construction of a cautiously optimistic post-Trump outlook for journalism. Hence, the analysis of projectory narratives reveals how an organizational field collectively prepares for change to regain legitimacy.
在特朗普时代,美国新闻业经历了来自这位主要政治人物的多次合法性攻击。本研究以制度合法性和故意信任的概念为基础,利用哈佛大学尼曼实验室2017年至2021年的新闻业预测,分析了新闻业未来预测中的合法性叙事。投射叙事是对一个领域未来的有意义的建构,并为其参与者提供指导。对特朗普相关预测子集的定性分析(ca. n = 130)传达了(1)威胁、自责和认知论权威丧失的对抗性叙述。对抗性叙述有助于确保建议的透明度和受众关系建立解决方案的同意。这些(2)解决方案叙述代表了信任策略。最后,(3)生存叙事旨在通过遗产神话和构建谨慎乐观的后特朗普新闻前景来重新获得权威和代理。因此,对投射叙事的分析揭示了一个组织领域如何集体为变革做准备,以重新获得合法性。
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引用次数: 2
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Discourses of Fake News
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