Consider the following scenario. Suppose Dave is a religious person who takes his faith very seriously and believes that all people should be treated with kindness and respect. However, Dave also believes that homosexual behavior is morally wrong. One day a new co-worker, Ron, is hired at the office where Dave works and Dave learns that Ron identifies himself as gay and is involved in a relationship with another man. How will Dave react? In addition, what will the other co-workers expect from Dave? Will they expect Dave to treat Ron with kindness and respect or will they expect Dave to make disrespectful comments about Ron and perhaps even behave aggressively toward him?The early work on religiosity and prejudice focused primarily on racial prejudice (e.g., Allport & Ross, 1967), but in the last 30 years research has also addressed how religious people think about and behave toward gay and lesbian people. As one might expect, considerable research suggests that religiosity, operationalized in a variety of ways, is associated with negative views of homosexuality (e.g., Fisher, Derison, Polley, Cadman & Johnston, 1994; Gilad & Stepanova, 2015; Herek, 1987; Hunsberger & Jackson, 2005; Kirkpatrick, 1993; Mellinger & Levant, 2014; Wilkinson & Roys, 2005). In a meta-analysis by Whitley (2009), selfratings of religiosity, fundamentalism, intrinsic religiosity, Christian orthodoxy, and frequency of religious service attendance were all associated with negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians. It should also be noted that the negative relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward gay men and lesbians is not limited to a single country, but has been found in many nations around the world, including Turkey (Sarac, 2015), Jamaica (West & Cowell, 2015), Malaysia (Ng, Yee, Subramaniam, Loh, & Moreira, 2015), Greece (Papadaki, Plotnikof, Gioumidou, Zisimou, & Papadaki, 2015), Australia (Patrick, Heywood, Simpson, Pitts, Richters, Shelley, & Smith, 2013), Poland (Kossowska, Czernatowicz, & Sekerdej, 2017), Singapore (Detenber, Cenite, Ku, Ong, Tong, & Yeow, 2007), Israel (Eick, Rubinstein, Hertz, & Slater, 2016), and Guatemala, Paraguay, Colombia, and Chile (Chaux & Le, 2016); indeed, Jackle and Wenzelburger (2015) found that religiosity was negatively related to attitudes toward homosexuality in 79 nations included in the World Values Survey, although some religious groups (e.g., Muslims) were more negative than others (e.g., Buddhists).In addition, Tsang and Rowatt (2007) found that intrinsic religiosity-trying to live in accordance with one's faith-was also associated with implicit negative views of homosexuality, and Duck and Hunsberger (1999) found that when participants viewed racism as proscribed (i.e., taught against) by their religious community, negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians were viewed as nonproscribed. Moreover, consistent with the predictions of Batson, Schoenrade, and Ventis (1993), intrinsic religiosity was associate
{"title":"On Hating the Sin but Loving the Sinner: Judgments about Homosexuality and Religiosity","authors":"Douglas S. Krull","doi":"10.1037/e566962012-323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/e566962012-323","url":null,"abstract":"Consider the following scenario. Suppose Dave is a religious person who takes his faith very seriously and believes that all people should be treated with kindness and respect. However, Dave also believes that homosexual behavior is morally wrong. One day a new co-worker, Ron, is hired at the office where Dave works and Dave learns that Ron identifies himself as gay and is involved in a relationship with another man. How will Dave react? In addition, what will the other co-workers expect from Dave? Will they expect Dave to treat Ron with kindness and respect or will they expect Dave to make disrespectful comments about Ron and perhaps even behave aggressively toward him?The early work on religiosity and prejudice focused primarily on racial prejudice (e.g., Allport & Ross, 1967), but in the last 30 years research has also addressed how religious people think about and behave toward gay and lesbian people. As one might expect, considerable research suggests that religiosity, operationalized in a variety of ways, is associated with negative views of homosexuality (e.g., Fisher, Derison, Polley, Cadman & Johnston, 1994; Gilad & Stepanova, 2015; Herek, 1987; Hunsberger & Jackson, 2005; Kirkpatrick, 1993; Mellinger & Levant, 2014; Wilkinson & Roys, 2005). In a meta-analysis by Whitley (2009), selfratings of religiosity, fundamentalism, intrinsic religiosity, Christian orthodoxy, and frequency of religious service attendance were all associated with negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians. It should also be noted that the negative relationship between religiosity and attitudes toward gay men and lesbians is not limited to a single country, but has been found in many nations around the world, including Turkey (Sarac, 2015), Jamaica (West & Cowell, 2015), Malaysia (Ng, Yee, Subramaniam, Loh, & Moreira, 2015), Greece (Papadaki, Plotnikof, Gioumidou, Zisimou, & Papadaki, 2015), Australia (Patrick, Heywood, Simpson, Pitts, Richters, Shelley, & Smith, 2013), Poland (Kossowska, Czernatowicz, & Sekerdej, 2017), Singapore (Detenber, Cenite, Ku, Ong, Tong, & Yeow, 2007), Israel (Eick, Rubinstein, Hertz, & Slater, 2016), and Guatemala, Paraguay, Colombia, and Chile (Chaux & Le, 2016); indeed, Jackle and Wenzelburger (2015) found that religiosity was negatively related to attitudes toward homosexuality in 79 nations included in the World Values Survey, although some religious groups (e.g., Muslims) were more negative than others (e.g., Buddhists).In addition, Tsang and Rowatt (2007) found that intrinsic religiosity-trying to live in accordance with one's faith-was also associated with implicit negative views of homosexuality, and Duck and Hunsberger (1999) found that when participants viewed racism as proscribed (i.e., taught against) by their religious community, negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians were viewed as nonproscribed. Moreover, consistent with the predictions of Batson, Schoenrade, and Ventis (1993), intrinsic religiosity was associate","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"60 1","pages":"99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85093795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.1080/0270271910120107
Siang‐Yang Tan
This article will briefly review the second edition of an important book, Science and pseudoscience in clinical psychology (2nd ed.), edited by Lilienfeld, Lynn, and Lohr (2015), which David Barlow has endorsed as required reading for every student of clinical psychology, and I would add, for everyone in clinical practice in the mental health professions. I have therefore broadened the significance and impact of this book to apply to all of clinical practice and not just specifically to clinical psychology. A Christian perspective on science and pseudoscience in clinical practice will also be provided.In the Foreword to this book, Carol Tavris (pp. ix-xx) reviewed the scientist-practitioner gap a decade later after the publication of the first edition (Lilienfeld, Lynn, & Lohr, 2003). She listed the following examples of beliefs asserted by many psychotherapists or counselors that have been widely accepted by the public, although these beliefs have been dispelled or invalidated by empirical evidence: "Almost all abused children become abusive parents. Almost all children of alcoholics become alcoholic. Children never lie about sexual abuse. Childhood trauma invariably produces emotional symptoms that carry on into adulthood. Memory works like a tape recorder, clicking on at the moment of birth. Hypnosis can reliably uncover buried memories. Traumatic experiences are usually repressed. Hypnosis reliably uncovers accurate memories. Subliminal messages influence behavior. Children who masturbate or "play doctor" have probably been sexually molested. If left unexpressed, anger builds up like steam in a teapot until it explodes in verbal or physical aggression. Projective tests like the Rorschach validly diagnose personality disorders, most forms of psychopathology, and sexual abuse" (pp. xii-xiii).Tavris emphasized that such widely held but erroneous beliefs can have, and have had substantially negative or devastating effects in the lives of people. However, because American culture has a low tolerance for uncertainty, she wrote: "In such a culture, pseudoscience is particularly attractive because pseudoscience by definition promotes certainty, whereas science gives us probability and doubt. Pseudoscience is popular because it confirms what we believe; science is unpopular because it makes us question what we believe. Good science, like good art, often upsets our established ways of seeing the world" (p. xvi). She then asserted: "Pseudoscientific therapies will always remain with us because so many economic and cultural interests are promoting them. But their potential for harm to individuals and society is growing, which is why it is more important than ever for psychological scientists to explore their pretenses and dangers. As Richard McNally is fond of saying, the best way to combat pseudoscience is to do good science" (p. xvii).A Brief Review of Science and Pseudoscience in Clinical Psychology (Second Edition) (Lilienfeld, Lynn, & Lohr, 2015)In
{"title":"Research into Practice","authors":"Siang‐Yang Tan","doi":"10.1080/0270271910120107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0270271910120107","url":null,"abstract":"This article will briefly review the second edition of an important book, Science and pseudoscience in clinical psychology (2nd ed.), edited by Lilienfeld, Lynn, and Lohr (2015), which David Barlow has endorsed as required reading for every student of clinical psychology, and I would add, for everyone in clinical practice in the mental health professions. I have therefore broadened the significance and impact of this book to apply to all of clinical practice and not just specifically to clinical psychology. A Christian perspective on science and pseudoscience in clinical practice will also be provided.In the Foreword to this book, Carol Tavris (pp. ix-xx) reviewed the scientist-practitioner gap a decade later after the publication of the first edition (Lilienfeld, Lynn, & Lohr, 2003). She listed the following examples of beliefs asserted by many psychotherapists or counselors that have been widely accepted by the public, although these beliefs have been dispelled or invalidated by empirical evidence: \"Almost all abused children become abusive parents. Almost all children of alcoholics become alcoholic. Children never lie about sexual abuse. Childhood trauma invariably produces emotional symptoms that carry on into adulthood. Memory works like a tape recorder, clicking on at the moment of birth. Hypnosis can reliably uncover buried memories. Traumatic experiences are usually repressed. Hypnosis reliably uncovers accurate memories. Subliminal messages influence behavior. Children who masturbate or \"play doctor\" have probably been sexually molested. If left unexpressed, anger builds up like steam in a teapot until it explodes in verbal or physical aggression. Projective tests like the Rorschach validly diagnose personality disorders, most forms of psychopathology, and sexual abuse\" (pp. xii-xiii).Tavris emphasized that such widely held but erroneous beliefs can have, and have had substantially negative or devastating effects in the lives of people. However, because American culture has a low tolerance for uncertainty, she wrote: \"In such a culture, pseudoscience is particularly attractive because pseudoscience by definition promotes certainty, whereas science gives us probability and doubt. Pseudoscience is popular because it confirms what we believe; science is unpopular because it makes us question what we believe. Good science, like good art, often upsets our established ways of seeing the world\" (p. xvi). She then asserted: \"Pseudoscientific therapies will always remain with us because so many economic and cultural interests are promoting them. But their potential for harm to individuals and society is growing, which is why it is more important than ever for psychological scientists to explore their pretenses and dangers. As Richard McNally is fond of saying, the best way to combat pseudoscience is to do good science\" (p. xvii).A Brief Review of Science and Pseudoscience in Clinical Psychology (Second Edition) (Lilienfeld, Lynn, & Lohr, 2015)In ","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"3 1","pages":"369"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73489788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
SILENCE: A CHRISTIAN HISTORY. Diarmaid MacCulloch, New York, NY: Viking, 2013, Pp. xii + 338, Hb, ISBN 9780670025565, $27.95. Reviewed by Geoffrey W. Sutton (Evangel University/Springfield, MO).I come from a noisy church tradition-a place where young Christians like their music loud and pulsating. The notion of silence in Christianity struck me as odd when I saw it on the new books' shelf of my local library. But as I flipped through the Table of Contents and checked a few pages, many thoughts came to mind. Perhaps like historians, psychologists and counselors can learn much from silence. Silence helps interpret noise.Diarmaid MacCulloch portrays the history of silence amongst God's faithful. The work is scholarly, intriguing, insightful, and masterfully written. MacCulloch is Professor of the History of the Church at Oxford University and an award winning author. He has also produced a multiepisode video series on the history of Christianity as well as a New York Times Best Seller on the same subject. MacCulloch organized Silence into historical eras creating nine chapters to describe four epochs.The first chapter of The Bible era offers a look at the contrasts between silence and celebration in the Hebrew Bible. God speaks. Israelites cry out and celebrate with a loud noise. And there are times when people are hushed before the Lord. Chapter two reveals the back and forth of noise and silence. Jesus ends a period of silence. He gives a voice to the poor. And at times Jesus retreats into silence. Paul deals with noisy, and sometimes cantankerous, Christians.The Triumph of Monastic Silence embraces a thousand years. MacCulloch describes the rise of asceticism, the formation of the first monastic orders, and the silence of those who did not join the early martyrs. Fortunately, we learn of both Eastern and Western church traditions.We approach the modern era in Part Three, Silence through Three Reformations. In two chapters we learn of the context for reform in a sweeping review of icons and mystical notions through 1500. As readers will know, the noise of the Protestant Reformation dominates church history in the era 1500 through 1700. Amidst the loud calls for reform are those promoting tolerance and peace. And in this context, Quakers quietly meet. Finally, Tridentine Catholics rise to defend their traditions.Part Four, Reaching behind Noise in Christian History, is different from the historical narrative. …
沉默:一部基督教历史。麦克库洛赫，纽约:维京出版社，2013，第xii + 338页，Hb, ISBN 9780670025565， $27.95。由杰弗里·萨顿(福音大学/斯普林菲尔德，密苏里州)审查。我来自一个传统的嘈杂的教堂——在那里，年轻的基督徒喜欢响亮而有节奏的音乐。当我在当地图书馆的新书架上看到基督教中沉默的概念时，我觉得很奇怪。但当我翻看目录并查看了几页后，我脑海中浮现出许多想法。也许像历史学家一样，心理学家和咨询师可以从沉默中学到很多东西。沉默有助于理解噪音。Diarmaid MacCulloch描绘了上帝信徒之间沉默的历史。这本书学术性强，引人入胜，见解深刻，文笔精湛。麦卡洛克是牛津大学教会史教授，也是一位获奖作家。他还制作了一个关于基督教历史的多集系列视频，并在同一主题上成为《纽约时报》的畅销书。麦卡洛克将《沉默》按历史时代进行整理，创造了九个章节来描述四个时代。圣经时代的第一章提供了希伯来圣经中沉默和庆祝的对比。上帝说。以色列人大声呼喊，大声庆祝。有时人们会在主面前安静下来。第二章揭示了喧闹与寂静之间的来回关系。耶稣结束了一段时间的沉默。他为穷人发声。有时耶稣会退到沉默中。保罗对付吵吵嚷嚷，有时脾气暴躁的基督徒。修道院沉默的胜利包含了一千年。麦卡洛克描述了禁欲主义的兴起，第一批修道会的形成，以及那些没有加入早期殉道者的沉默。幸运的是，我们学习了东方和西方的教会传统。我们在第三部分“三次改革中的沉默”中探讨现代。在两章中，我们通过对1500年的图标和神秘概念的全面回顾来了解改革的背景。正如读者所知，从1500年到1700年，新教改革的喧嚣主导了教会历史。在要求改革的呼声中，也有人提倡宽容与和平。在这样的背景下，贵格会教徒安静地聚会。最后，特伦丁天主教徒奋起捍卫他们的传统。第四部分，基督教历史的喧嚣背后，不同于历史叙事。…
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Gender performance theory suggests the division of household labor is determined by threats to individuals' gender identity. This study explores gender identity threat among college students' expected division of household labor and whether sanctification of one's anticipated division of household labor moderates the relationship between gender identity threat and expected division of household labor. A sample of 126 participants was recruited from a Christian liberal arts university, 48 men and 78 women ranging in age from 18 to 36. Analyses indicated that gender identity threat led to a greater emphasis on stereotypically feminine tasks. Secondly, sanctification moderated the relationship between gender identity threat and expected division of household labor for men. Men who endorsed higher levels of sanctification of the division of household labor expected to divide household labor in a more traditional manner when their gender identity was threatened than when it was not threatened; the opposite pattern was true of men with low levels of sanctification. Although sanctification of the division of household labor was not a significant moderator for women, sanctification and gender identity threat together were found to significantly influence expected division of household labor, with greater sanctification related to more traditional anticipated division of labor.The factors leading to the division of household labor in marriage has been the subject of research for many years. Historically, the division of household labor has been influenced by factors such as the industrial revolution, which moved economic productivity out of the home and resulted in a split between household labor and economic productivity, with women taking on the larger part of household labor. In recent decades, research has documented the existence of gender divisions in the types of household labor performed (Berk & Berk 1979). Blair and Lichter (1991) divided household tasks into gender stereotypical categories based on data from the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households, which asked 3,190 married and cohabiting couples about their time spent on eight household chores. Women were found to spend more time preparing meals, washing dishes and cleaning up after meals, cleaning house, and washing, ironing, and mending clothes. Men were found to spend more time doing outdoor and household maintenance, and auto maintenance and repair. Men and women were found to spend a similar amount of time grocery shopping, and paying the bills. The present study explores how religiously-influenced views on household labor intersect with contemporary gender threat theory in predicting anticipated division of household labor in a sample of Christian undergraduate students.Past research focused on theories that explain the division of household labor based on external resources like time and money, with inconsistent results. However, more recently Brines (1994) and Greenstein (20
性别表现理论认为，家庭劳动分工是由对个体性别认同的威胁决定的。本研究探讨性别认同威胁对大学生预期家务劳动分工的影响，以及预期家务劳动分工的圣化是否会调节性别认同威胁与预期家务劳动分工的关系。从一所基督教文科大学招募了126名参与者，其中48名男性和78名女性，年龄从18岁到36岁不等。分析表明，性别认同威胁导致人们更加重视刻板的女性任务。其次，圣化对性别认同威胁与男性预期家务分工的关系有调节作用。认为家务劳动分工更神圣的男性在其性别认同受到威胁时比在其性别认同没有受到威胁时更倾向于按传统方式分工;相反的情况发生在那些不那么圣洁的人身上。尽管对家务劳动分工的神圣化对女性来说不是一个显著的调节因素，但我们发现，神圣化和性别认同威胁一起显著影响了预期的家务劳动分工，更神圣化与更传统的预期劳动分工相关。导致婚姻中家庭劳动分工的因素一直是研究多年的课题。从历史上看，家务劳动的分工受到工业革命等因素的影响，工业革命将经济生产力从家庭中转移出来，导致家务劳动和经济生产力之间的分裂，妇女承担了大部分家务劳动。近几十年来，研究证明了在家务劳动类型中存在性别划分(Berk & Berk 1979)。布莱尔和利希特(1991)根据1988年全国家庭和家庭调查的数据，将家务划分为性别刻板印象的类别，该调查询问了3190对已婚和同居夫妇在八项家务上花费的时间。研究发现，女性花在做饭、洗碗、饭后打扫卫生、打扫房间、洗衣、熨烫和缝补衣服上的时间更多。研究发现，男性花在户外和家庭保养以及汽车保养和修理上的时间更多。研究发现，男性和女性花在购买食品杂货和支付账单上的时间相当。本研究以基督教大学生为样本，探讨受宗教影响的家务劳动观与当代性别威胁理论在预测预期家务劳动分工时的交集。过去的研究集中在解释基于时间和金钱等外部资源的家庭劳动分工的理论上，结果不一致。然而，最近Brines(1994)和Greenstein(2000)提出了家庭劳动分工的另一种解释:性别绩效理论。性别表现理论认为，家务劳动的分工是由维持男性气质或女性气质的努力决定的。因此，该理论认为，一个人会做家务，以确保他或她作为男人或女人的身份。性别表现过程表明，偏离刻板性别角色的夫妻通过夸大刻板行为来弥补他们的角色偏离。当夫妻偏离了他们固有的性别角色时，他们作为女人/妻子或男人/丈夫的身份就受到了威胁。为了弥补对刻板印象的偏离，他们调整了自己的家庭行为，以更刻板的方式分配家务。这一理论与补偿男子气概理论(Babl 1979)是一致的，该理论指出，当男性的性别角色受到威胁时，他们会防御性地夸大自己的男子气概。…
{"title":"Gender differences in predictors of anticipated divisions of household labor in Christian students","authors":"Catherine S. Chan, M. Hall, Tamara L. Anderson","doi":"10.1037/e645342012-001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/e645342012-001","url":null,"abstract":"Gender performance theory suggests the division of household labor is determined by threats to individuals' gender identity. This study explores gender identity threat among college students' expected division of household labor and whether sanctification of one's anticipated division of household labor moderates the relationship between gender identity threat and expected division of household labor. A sample of 126 participants was recruited from a Christian liberal arts university, 48 men and 78 women ranging in age from 18 to 36. Analyses indicated that gender identity threat led to a greater emphasis on stereotypically feminine tasks. Secondly, sanctification moderated the relationship between gender identity threat and expected division of household labor for men. Men who endorsed higher levels of sanctification of the division of household labor expected to divide household labor in a more traditional manner when their gender identity was threatened than when it was not threatened; the opposite pattern was true of men with low levels of sanctification. Although sanctification of the division of household labor was not a significant moderator for women, sanctification and gender identity threat together were found to significantly influence expected division of household labor, with greater sanctification related to more traditional anticipated division of labor.The factors leading to the division of household labor in marriage has been the subject of research for many years. Historically, the division of household labor has been influenced by factors such as the industrial revolution, which moved economic productivity out of the home and resulted in a split between household labor and economic productivity, with women taking on the larger part of household labor. In recent decades, research has documented the existence of gender divisions in the types of household labor performed (Berk & Berk 1979). Blair and Lichter (1991) divided household tasks into gender stereotypical categories based on data from the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households, which asked 3,190 married and cohabiting couples about their time spent on eight household chores. Women were found to spend more time preparing meals, washing dishes and cleaning up after meals, cleaning house, and washing, ironing, and mending clothes. Men were found to spend more time doing outdoor and household maintenance, and auto maintenance and repair. Men and women were found to spend a similar amount of time grocery shopping, and paying the bills. The present study explores how religiously-influenced views on household labor intersect with contemporary gender threat theory in predicting anticipated division of household labor in a sample of Christian undergraduate students.Past research focused on theories that explain the division of household labor based on external resources like time and money, with inconsistent results. However, more recently Brines (1994) and Greenstein (20","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"64 1","pages":"36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90288653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Spiritual Interventions in Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy. Donald F. Walker and William L. Hathaway (Eds.). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2013, Pp. 282, Pb, Reviewed by Tami Sullivan (Roberts Wesleyan College, Rochester, NY).Spiritual Interventions in Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy puts at our disposal a comprehensive guide from which psychotherapists who work with children, adolescents, and their families can acknowledge and integrate religious and spiritual principles into their professional work. The authors successfully navigate a compendium of religiously guided assessments, interventions, and case conceptualizations that aid psychotherapists in discerning the importance of culturally diverse religious beliefs and practices of their child and family clients.In the first section, the authors lay a foundation in which the reader can understand the role of religion in a child and adolescent's life from an ethical, contextual and developmental perspective that is respectful of different religious orientations. With the emphasis that religiouslyminded treatment can be integrated with secular interventions or stand on its own, the second section introduces practical guidelines and considerations from different theoretical models for psychotherapists interested in incorporating religion and spirituality into their work.Chapter 1: Ethics, Religious Issues, and Clinical Child Psychology provides the reader with solid guidance to issues pertaining to client spirituality through the introduction of compelling case studies and the application of the American Psychological Association's code of ethics.Chapter 2: Assessment of Religious and Spiritual Issues in Clinical Child Psychology authors present general guidance for assessing the role of religion and spirituality in the child or adolescent's presenting problem. The Faith Situations Questionnaire, an assessment of Judeo-Christian religious behaviors is discussed in some detail.Chapter 3: Addressing Parental Spirituality in Family Psychotherapy follows a systematic exploration of the interrelationships between parental spirituality and child and adolescent psychopathology. A useful relational spirituality framework is presented in which psychotherapists can assess and come to understand how child and adolescent problems are situated in familial religious practices, and design ecologically valid interventions.Chapter 4: Spiritually Oriented Interventions in Developmental Context presents a conceptual model for understanding the religious and spiritual development of children and frames interventions within developmentally appropriate cognitive, psychosocial, and spiritual domains.Chapter 5: Acceptance we are generously reminded of the universality of acceptance in psychotherapeutic approaches. The authors' supposition that acceptance is a spiritual intervention is evidenced through a detailed analysis of both an object relations and child-centered therapeutic approach.Chap
儿童和青少年心理治疗中的精神干预。Donald F. Walker和William L. Hathaway(主编)。华盛顿特区:美国心理学会，2013,Pp. 282, Pb，由Tami Sullivan (Roberts Wesleyan College, Rochester, NY)审阅。《儿童和青少年心理治疗中的精神干预》为我们提供了一份全面的指南，从这本指南中，从事儿童、青少年及其家庭工作的心理治疗师可以承认并将宗教和精神原则融入他们的专业工作中。作者成功地浏览了宗教指导评估、干预和案例概念化的纲要，帮助心理治疗师识别其儿童和家庭客户的文化多样性宗教信仰和实践的重要性。在第一部分中，作者奠定了一个基础，读者可以从伦理、语境和发展的角度理解宗教在儿童和青少年生活中的作用，尊重不同的宗教取向。强调宗教思想治疗可以与世俗干预相结合，也可以独立存在，第二部分为有兴趣将宗教和灵性纳入其工作的心理治疗师介绍了来自不同理论模型的实用指南和考虑。第1章:伦理、宗教问题和临床儿童心理学通过引入引人注目的案例研究和美国心理协会道德准则的应用，为读者提供了与客户灵性有关的问题的坚实指导。第2章:评估临床儿童心理学中的宗教和精神问题作者为评估儿童或青少年呈现问题中的宗教和精神角色提供了一般指导。信仰状况问卷，评估犹太教和基督教的宗教行为进行了一些详细的讨论。第3章:在家庭心理治疗中解决父母的精神问题，系统地探讨了父母的精神与儿童和青少年精神病理之间的相互关系。提出了一个有用的关系精神框架，在这个框架中，心理治疗师可以评估和理解儿童和青少年问题是如何在家庭宗教实践中出现的，并设计生态有效的干预措施。第四章:发展背景下的精神导向干预提出了一个理解儿童宗教和精神发展的概念模型，并在与发展相适应的认知、社会心理和精神领域框架干预。第五章:接受我们被慷慨地提醒接受在心理治疗方法中的普遍性。通过对对象关系和以儿童为中心的治疗方法的详细分析，作者假设接受是一种精神干预。第六章:精神意识心理治疗开辟了一条治疗之路，在这条路上，儿童和青少年的旅程由心理治疗师引导，通过与宇宙或神的一致，最终带来一种精神意识，从而带来意识、希望和成长。…
{"title":"Spiritual Interventions in Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy","authors":"R. Bassett","doi":"10.5860/choice.50-4722","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-4722","url":null,"abstract":"Spiritual Interventions in Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy. Donald F. Walker and William L. Hathaway (Eds.). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2013, Pp. 282, Pb, Reviewed by Tami Sullivan (Roberts Wesleyan College, Rochester, NY).Spiritual Interventions in Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy puts at our disposal a comprehensive guide from which psychotherapists who work with children, adolescents, and their families can acknowledge and integrate religious and spiritual principles into their professional work. The authors successfully navigate a compendium of religiously guided assessments, interventions, and case conceptualizations that aid psychotherapists in discerning the importance of culturally diverse religious beliefs and practices of their child and family clients.In the first section, the authors lay a foundation in which the reader can understand the role of religion in a child and adolescent's life from an ethical, contextual and developmental perspective that is respectful of different religious orientations. With the emphasis that religiouslyminded treatment can be integrated with secular interventions or stand on its own, the second section introduces practical guidelines and considerations from different theoretical models for psychotherapists interested in incorporating religion and spirituality into their work.Chapter 1: Ethics, Religious Issues, and Clinical Child Psychology provides the reader with solid guidance to issues pertaining to client spirituality through the introduction of compelling case studies and the application of the American Psychological Association's code of ethics.Chapter 2: Assessment of Religious and Spiritual Issues in Clinical Child Psychology authors present general guidance for assessing the role of religion and spirituality in the child or adolescent's presenting problem. The Faith Situations Questionnaire, an assessment of Judeo-Christian religious behaviors is discussed in some detail.Chapter 3: Addressing Parental Spirituality in Family Psychotherapy follows a systematic exploration of the interrelationships between parental spirituality and child and adolescent psychopathology. A useful relational spirituality framework is presented in which psychotherapists can assess and come to understand how child and adolescent problems are situated in familial religious practices, and design ecologically valid interventions.Chapter 4: Spiritually Oriented Interventions in Developmental Context presents a conceptual model for understanding the religious and spiritual development of children and frames interventions within developmentally appropriate cognitive, psychosocial, and spiritual domains.Chapter 5: Acceptance we are generously reminded of the universality of acceptance in psychotherapeutic approaches. The authors' supposition that acceptance is a spiritual intervention is evidenced through a detailed analysis of both an object relations and child-centered therapeutic approach.Chap","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"93 1","pages":"170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80010665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Social Psychology of Morality: Exploring the Causees of Good and Evil","authors":"R. Bassett","doi":"10.5860/choice.49-4763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.49-4763","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"156 1","pages":"369"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79880497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
THE BETTER ANGELS OF OUR NATURE: WHY VIOLENCE HAS DECLINED. Steven Pinker, Penguin, New York, NY 2011. ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3.There's been a shooting in a Sikh Temple this morning. A lone gunman entered a Colorado theater and opened fire. Syrians are now engaged in civil war. Faced with daily news stories of death and destruction, it is easy to believe that things are getting worse. Not so, explains Harvard psychologist, Steven Pinker in his new work, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence has Declined.Pinker combines in-depth historical research with rigorous psychological research to argue the case for a decline in global violence. As Pinker aptly points out, many people look at our age as one of unprecedented violence and terror to be viewed with pessimism. Drawing on historical analysis, psychological research and findings from related sciences such as anthropology, sociology, and economics Pinker argues that the data paint a very different picture. In the first chapter, Pinker takes the reader on a quick journey through the history of the world pointing out that the ancient and medieval worlds were very different than the world we live in today. Numerous prehistoric skeletons bear evidence of very violent deaths. Ancient people destroyed entire tribes. Romans carried out violent executions. Medieval Knights led lies of violence and other Europeans meted out horrendous punishments for acts which might not even be judged worthy of condemnation in today's democracies. Finally, the early 20th century saw two World Wars before the long peace ensued. In light of that history, Pinker argues that perhaps we should reconsider our assumptions about our own world.In the first section of the book, Pinker identifies six historical trends which could have led to declines in violence. The first trend he calls the Pacification Process by which people gave up nomadic hunting and gathering lives for lives of agriculture in cities. Competition and anarchy in the prehistoric world made violence necessary for survival. The development of agriculture called for greater cooperation between individuals and the formation of governments to impose order created a world where violence was not always in one's best interest. Statistical analysis supports the idea that the emergence of states lead to a decline in violence. The second trend, the Civilizing Process, is an idea he developed from the work of Norbert Elias. In the late medieval and early modern periods, etiquette and social norms began to be important in social interactions, economics and technology began to advance, and governments began to become more centralized. This trend was also accompanied by a decline in violence. The third trend is the Humanitarian Revolution during which people began to increasingly find practices, such as torture, capital punishment, war and slavery, morally questionable. Empathy, compassion, and peace became important characteristics. The fourth trend is the Long Peace, whi
{"title":"The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined","authors":"Kayla Jordan, Geoffrey W. Sutton","doi":"10.5860/choice.49-5144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.49-5144","url":null,"abstract":"THE BETTER ANGELS OF OUR NATURE: WHY VIOLENCE HAS DECLINED. Steven Pinker, Penguin, New York, NY 2011. ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3.There's been a shooting in a Sikh Temple this morning. A lone gunman entered a Colorado theater and opened fire. Syrians are now engaged in civil war. Faced with daily news stories of death and destruction, it is easy to believe that things are getting worse. Not so, explains Harvard psychologist, Steven Pinker in his new work, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence has Declined.Pinker combines in-depth historical research with rigorous psychological research to argue the case for a decline in global violence. As Pinker aptly points out, many people look at our age as one of unprecedented violence and terror to be viewed with pessimism. Drawing on historical analysis, psychological research and findings from related sciences such as anthropology, sociology, and economics Pinker argues that the data paint a very different picture. In the first chapter, Pinker takes the reader on a quick journey through the history of the world pointing out that the ancient and medieval worlds were very different than the world we live in today. Numerous prehistoric skeletons bear evidence of very violent deaths. Ancient people destroyed entire tribes. Romans carried out violent executions. Medieval Knights led lies of violence and other Europeans meted out horrendous punishments for acts which might not even be judged worthy of condemnation in today's democracies. Finally, the early 20th century saw two World Wars before the long peace ensued. In light of that history, Pinker argues that perhaps we should reconsider our assumptions about our own world.In the first section of the book, Pinker identifies six historical trends which could have led to declines in violence. The first trend he calls the Pacification Process by which people gave up nomadic hunting and gathering lives for lives of agriculture in cities. Competition and anarchy in the prehistoric world made violence necessary for survival. The development of agriculture called for greater cooperation between individuals and the formation of governments to impose order created a world where violence was not always in one's best interest. Statistical analysis supports the idea that the emergence of states lead to a decline in violence. The second trend, the Civilizing Process, is an idea he developed from the work of Norbert Elias. In the late medieval and early modern periods, etiquette and social norms began to be important in social interactions, economics and technology began to advance, and governments began to become more centralized. This trend was also accompanied by a decline in violence. The third trend is the Humanitarian Revolution during which people began to increasingly find practices, such as torture, capital punishment, war and slavery, morally questionable. Empathy, compassion, and peace became important characteristics. The fourth trend is the Long Peace, whi","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"41 1","pages":"367-370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90497175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study tested Hall and Fincham's (2005) hypothesis that perceived forgiveness from God increases the likelihood of self-forgiveness. We found a more personalized measure of God's forgiveness positively correlated with self-forgiveness, although a more general measure of God's forgiveness did not. In addition, we discuss therapeutic interventions relevant to perceived forgiveness and self-forgiveness. Perceived Forgiveness from God and Self-Forgiveness Self-forgiveness is an adaptive process by which people replace guilt, shame, and self-punishment with self-benevolent beliefs, feelings, and actions (Enright, 1996; Exline, Root, YadavalIi, Martin, & Fisher, 2011; Fisher & Exline, 2006, 2010; Hall & Fincham, 2005, 2008; Wohl, DeShea, & Wahkinney, 2008). People move through the self-forgiveness process by spiritual, intrapsychic, and interpersonal means that require time and effort (Fisher & Exline, 2006, 2010; Hall & Fincham, 2005, 2008). Hall and Fincham (2005) proposed that guilt, shame, empathy, conciliatory behavior, attributions, offense severity, and perceived forgiveness all pky important roles in the process of self-forgiveness. Indeed, the extant literature suggests feeling forgiven from God facilitates self-forgiveness (HaU & Fincham, 2005, 2008). Although Christians believe God is forgiving, some may paradoxically believe God does not forgive them personally. Consequently, people may simultaneously hold general and personalized views of God. A general God concept is akin to a theological definition of God, whereas a personalized God image is experiential (Lawrence, 1997; Rizzuto, 1979). Along this line of reasoning, we hypothesized that viewing God as forgiving in personal matters would rekte to self-forgiveness, but general views on God's forgiving nature would not. The current study tested Hall and Fincham's (2005) hypothesis that perceived forgiveness from God increases the likelihood of self-forgiveness. In order to test this hypothesis, we assessed participants' general and personal views of a forgiving or punitive God as a correlate with participants' degree of self-forgiveness. Proposed Antecedent Variables of Self -Forgiveness Guilt and Shame. People who commit transgressions may experience guilt and shame through tension, remorse, or regret (Tangney, 1995). Transgressors are most likely to experience guilt as a state (e.g., situational) and shame as a trait (e.g., character flaw). Compared to shame, Hall and Fincham (2005) theorized that guilt might not have as much of a negative correlation with s elf- forgiveness because it is "other-oriented." Shame seems to be a stronger negative correlate with self-forgiveness because it is naturally more "self-centered" (Hall & Fincham, 2005; Lewis, 1971; Tangney, 1995). Hall and Fincham (2005) theorized that the "otheroriented" focus of guilt is more likely than shame to lead to conciliatory behavior. Conciliatory behavior includes apologies, reparations, gifts, or acts of service aime
{"title":"Perceived forgiveness from god and self-forgiveness","authors":"J. McConnell, D. Dixon","doi":"10.1037/e702292007-001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1037/e702292007-001","url":null,"abstract":"The study tested Hall and Fincham's (2005) hypothesis that perceived forgiveness from God increases the likelihood of self-forgiveness. We found a more personalized measure of God's forgiveness positively correlated with self-forgiveness, although a more general measure of God's forgiveness did not. In addition, we discuss therapeutic interventions relevant to perceived forgiveness and self-forgiveness. Perceived Forgiveness from God and Self-Forgiveness Self-forgiveness is an adaptive process by which people replace guilt, shame, and self-punishment with self-benevolent beliefs, feelings, and actions (Enright, 1996; Exline, Root, YadavalIi, Martin, & Fisher, 2011; Fisher & Exline, 2006, 2010; Hall & Fincham, 2005, 2008; Wohl, DeShea, & Wahkinney, 2008). People move through the self-forgiveness process by spiritual, intrapsychic, and interpersonal means that require time and effort (Fisher & Exline, 2006, 2010; Hall & Fincham, 2005, 2008). Hall and Fincham (2005) proposed that guilt, shame, empathy, conciliatory behavior, attributions, offense severity, and perceived forgiveness all pky important roles in the process of self-forgiveness. Indeed, the extant literature suggests feeling forgiven from God facilitates self-forgiveness (HaU & Fincham, 2005, 2008). Although Christians believe God is forgiving, some may paradoxically believe God does not forgive them personally. Consequently, people may simultaneously hold general and personalized views of God. A general God concept is akin to a theological definition of God, whereas a personalized God image is experiential (Lawrence, 1997; Rizzuto, 1979). Along this line of reasoning, we hypothesized that viewing God as forgiving in personal matters would rekte to self-forgiveness, but general views on God's forgiving nature would not. The current study tested Hall and Fincham's (2005) hypothesis that perceived forgiveness from God increases the likelihood of self-forgiveness. In order to test this hypothesis, we assessed participants' general and personal views of a forgiving or punitive God as a correlate with participants' degree of self-forgiveness. Proposed Antecedent Variables of Self -Forgiveness Guilt and Shame. People who commit transgressions may experience guilt and shame through tension, remorse, or regret (Tangney, 1995). Transgressors are most likely to experience guilt as a state (e.g., situational) and shame as a trait (e.g., character flaw). Compared to shame, Hall and Fincham (2005) theorized that guilt might not have as much of a negative correlation with s elf- forgiveness because it is \"other-oriented.\" Shame seems to be a stronger negative correlate with self-forgiveness because it is naturally more \"self-centered\" (Hall & Fincham, 2005; Lewis, 1971; Tangney, 1995). Hall and Fincham (2005) theorized that the \"otheroriented\" focus of guilt is more likely than shame to lead to conciliatory behavior. Conciliatory behavior includes apologies, reparations, gifts, or acts of service aime","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"10 1","pages":"31-40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72936866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Rise and Fall of the Bible: The Unexpected History of an Accidental Book","authors":"Geoffrey W. Sutton","doi":"10.5860/choice.48-6216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.48-6216","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"100 1","pages":"257"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90725542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Case for God","authors":"R. Bassett","doi":"10.5860/choice.47-3739","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.47-3739","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":16908,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Psychology and Christianity","volume":"2013 1","pages":"86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87899084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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