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Civil Procedure’s Five Big Ideas 民事诉讼的五大理念
Pub Date : 2016-06-20 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1887084
K. Clermont
Civil procedure, more than any other of the basic law-school courses, conveys to students an understanding of the whole legal system. I propose that this purpose should become, more openly, the organizing theme of the course. The focus should remain, of course, on the mechanics of the judicial branch. What I champion is giving some conscious attention, albeit mainly in the background and at an introductory level, to the big ideas of the constitutional structure within which the law formulates civil procedure. Such attention would unify the doctrinal study, while enriching it for the students and revealing its true importance.
民事诉讼比法学院的其他基础课程更能让学生了解整个法律制度。我建议这个目的应该更公开地成为课程的组织主题。当然,重点仍应放在司法部门的机制上。我所提倡的是有意识地关注,尽管主要是在背景和介绍性的层面上,关于法律制定民事诉讼程序的宪法结构的大思想。这样的关注将统一理论研究,同时丰富学生,揭示其真正的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Three 3Ls, Kairos, and the Civil Right to Counsel in Domestic Violence Cases 三个3l,凯洛斯,以及家庭暴力案件中的民事律师权利
Pub Date : 2016-03-10 DOI: 10.7282/T3KH0QM9
R. Robbins
Written as part of the Michigan State University Law Review's Persuasion in Civil Rights Advocacy symposium, this is the story of three clinic students and the mark they made on New Jersey law. Really, it is a story about students trying to seize kairos, the opportune moment in time to effectuate change. Seeing an opportune moment in time to call attention to a legal issue they identified as important, the three third-year law students in this story wrote, as amici curiae, a brief in support of a petition for certification to the New Jersey Supreme Court on the issue of whether indigent litigants in civil domestic violence cases have the right to court-appointed attorneys. These students and their professors believed the timing was right to argue that indigent litigants involved in the New Jersey domestic violence restraining order process have a legal right to court-appointed counsel as a requirement of equal access to a fair trial. The issue had been briefly raised several years earlier. However, the right to counsel issue had been completely disregarded by the courts, and no state-based advocacy groups pursued the issue. These students, in contrast, saw something to the issue that other advocates had missed. Moreover, they saw it at the right time in their own legal education to act on it, compellingly. The article offers a rhetorical analysis of what they wrote, what happened, and the impact on advocacy in New Jersey domestic violence law.
作为密歇根州立大学法律评论在民权倡导研讨会上的说服的一部分,这是三个诊所学生的故事,以及他们在新泽西法律上的印记。实际上,这是一个关于学生试图抓住kairos的故事,即实现变革的时机。在这个故事中,三个三年级的法律系学生看到了一个他们认为很重要的法律问题引起人们关注的时机,他们以法庭之友的身份写了一份摘要,支持一份请愿书,要求新泽西州最高法院就家庭暴力案件中的贫困诉讼当事人是否有权获得法院指定的律师的问题进行认证。这些学生和他们的教授认为,现在是时候提出,新泽西州家庭暴力限制令程序中的贫困诉讼当事人有权获得法院指定的律师,这是平等获得公平审判的要求。这个问题在几年前曾被短暂提出过。然而,法院完全无视律师的权利问题,也没有任何以州为基础的倡导团体追究这一问题。相比之下,这些学生看到了其他倡导者忽视的问题。此外,他们在自己的法律教育中看到了正确的时机,并采取了令人信服的行动。这篇文章提供了一个修辞分析,他们写了什么,发生了什么,以及对倡导新泽西家庭暴力法的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Helping Afghanistan's Informal Dispute Resolution Systems Follow Afghan Law in Criminal Matters: What Afghanistan Can Learn from Native American Peacemaking Program 帮助阿富汗的非正式争端解决系统在刑事问题上遵循阿富汗法律:阿富汗可以从美洲土著和平方案中学到什么
Pub Date : 2016-01-10 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2713457
Ghazi Hashimi
Informal dispute resolution is common in rural areas of Afghanistan because of a general lack of access to or inefficiency of the formal mechanisms in those areas. While the Afghan informal dispute resolution systems have been known to resolve some criminal cases in ways that violate human rights or deviate sharply from Afghan formal law, it can be possible to minimize these practices while taking advantage of some of the strengths that informal dispute resolution offers. This paper argues that some Native American Tribal justice systems could serve as helpful models for the Afghan approach to informal justice because they offer effective informal dispute resolution and peacemaking systems that are consistence with the formal justice system and generally do not violate human rights. Accordingly, this paper begins with an introduction to informal dispute resolution mechanisms in both Afghanistan and selected Native American Tribal systems, elaborating on the interaction between the informal and official state law in these various systems. Next, it describes the failed attempts of the Afghan central authority to rule in the informal justice systems and integrate them into the formal legal structure. Then the paper will provide possible solutions which would include coordination between the formal and informal justice systems, monitoring of the cases within the informal system, including important criminal cases such as honor killing, theft, rape, and serious injury by members of the official system including provincial governor, district governor, and other law enforcement institutions. Finally, this paper offers some suggestions for how to respond once the monitoring bodies identify violations of human rights and Afghan law.
非正式争端解决在阿富汗农村地区很常见,因为这些地区普遍缺乏使用正式机制的机会或效率低下。虽然众所周知,阿富汗的非正式争端解决系统以违反人权或严重偏离阿富汗正式法律的方式解决一些刑事案件,但有可能在利用非正式争端解决提供的一些优势的同时尽量减少这些做法。本文认为,一些美洲土著部落司法系统可以作为阿富汗非正式司法方法的有益模式,因为它们提供了有效的非正式争端解决和建立和平的系统,这些系统与正式司法系统相一致,通常不侵犯人权。因此,本文首先介绍了阿富汗和某些美洲土著部落制度中的非正式争端解决机制,详细阐述了这些不同制度中非正式和官方国家法律之间的相互作用。其次,它描述了阿富汗中央当局在非正式司法系统中进行统治并将其纳入正式法律结构的失败尝试。然后,本文将提供可能的解决方案,其中包括正式和非正式司法系统之间的协调,对非正式系统内的案件进行监测,包括重要的刑事案件,如荣誉杀人、盗窃、强奸和由官方系统成员(包括省长、区长和其他执法机构)造成的严重伤害。最后,本文就监测机构一旦发现侵犯人权和阿富汗法律的行为,如何作出反应提出了一些建议。
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引用次数: 1
EBOLA: A PUBLIC HEALTH AND LEGAL PERSPECTIVE. 埃博拉:公共卫生和法律视角。
Melissa Markey, Montrece M Ransom, Gregory Sunshine
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引用次数: 0
EMERGENCY DECLARATIONS AND TRIBES: MECHANISMS UNDER TRIBAL AND FEDERAL LAW. 紧急声明和部落:部落法和联邦法下的机制。
Pub Date : 2015-12-25 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/6f8ce
Gregory Sunshine, Aila Hoss
Tribes are sovereign nations that maintain a government-to-government relationship with the Unites States. As sovereign entities, tribes have inherent authority to protect the public health and welfare of their citizens. Tribes thus have the authority to undertake measures to prepare and manage public health emergencies in the manner most appropriate for their communities. Coupled with existing federal statutes, there are multiple mechanisms for tribes, either directly or through a state or the US federal government, to declare an emergency or receive the benefits of a federal declaration. This article summarizes several types of emergency declarations, including tribal declarations, Stafford Act declarations, and federal public health emergency declarations, and their implications for tribes.
部落是与美国保持政府对政府关系的主权国家。部落作为主权实体,具有保护其公民的公共健康和福利的固有权力。因此,部落有权采取措施,以最适合其社区的方式准备和管理突发公共卫生事件。再加上现有的联邦法规,部落有多种机制,可以直接或通过州或美国联邦政府宣布紧急状态或获得联邦声明的好处。本文总结了几种类型的紧急声明,包括部落声明、斯塔福德法案声明和联邦公共卫生紧急声明,以及它们对部落的影响。
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引用次数: 1
The Legitimacy of Comparative Constitutional Law: A Modal Evaluation 比较宪法的合法性:一种模态评价
Pub Date : 2015-07-12 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2629902
B. Silverman
In recent years, there has been intense debate — within the judiciary, academia, the press, even Congress — over the legitimacy of using foreign law in American courts. This question cannot be answered, however, unless one knows what the relevant criteria for constitutional legitimacy are. By what standards should we decide whether it is appropriate for American courts to cite foreign law in their decisions? Before we can figure out whether it is constitutionally proper for American courts to use foreign law, we need to first agree on what makes something constitutionally proper. In a pair of path-breaking books, Constitutional Fate: Theory of the Constitution and Constitutional Interpretation, Philip C. Bobbitt offers a modal approach to constitutional argument, presenting six different types, or modalities, through which constitutional discourse is channeled. This Article will attempt to evaluate the legitimacy of the practice of comparative constitutional law by American courts through modal lenses. It will ask one question — is it legitimate for our judges to cite foreign law? — six times, each time analyzing it within a particular modal framework; textual, historical, structural, doctrinal, prudential, and ethical. Using those methodological tools, it will provide one answer.
近年来,在司法部门、学术界、新闻界甚至国会内部,围绕在美国法院使用外国法的合法性展开了激烈的辩论。然而,除非我们知道宪法合法性的相关标准是什么,否则这个问题是无法回答的。我们应该以什么标准来决定美国法院在判决中引用外国法是否合适?在我们弄清楚美国法院使用外国法律是否符合宪法规定之前,我们需要首先就什么是符合宪法规定的达成一致。在两本开创性的著作《宪法的命运:宪法理论与宪法解释》中,菲利普·c·博比特(Philip C. Bobbitt)为宪法论证提供了一种模态方法,提出了六种不同的类型或模态,通过这些类型或模态,宪法话语得以引导。本文试图通过模态视角来评价美国法院比较宪法实践的合法性。它会提出一个问题——我们的法官引用外国法律合法吗?-六次,每次在一个特定的模态框架内分析;文本的、历史的、结构的、教义的、审慎的和伦理的。使用这些方法论工具,它将提供一个答案。
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引用次数: 0
Mixed Signals on Summary Judgment 关于即决判决的混杂信号
Pub Date : 2015-06-03 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2477915
H. Wasserman
This essay examines three cases from the Supreme Court’s October Term 2013 addressing the standards for summary judgment. In one case, the Court affirmed summary judgment against a civil-rights plaintiff, in a continued erroneous over-reliance on the certainty of video evidence. In two other cases, the Court rejected the grant of summary judgment against civil-rights plaintiffs, arguably for the first time in quite a while. This essay unpacks the substance and procedure underlying all three decisions and considers the effect of the three cases and what signals they send to lower courts and litigants about the proper approach to summary judgment, particularly in civil-rights cases involving video evidence.
本文考察了最高法院2013年10月的三个案例,讨论了即决判决的标准。在一个案件中,法院维持了对民权原告的即决判决,继续错误地过度依赖视频证据的确定性。在另外两个案件中,最高法院驳回了对民权原告的即决判决,可以说这是相当长一段时间以来的第一次。本文分析了这三起案件的实质和程序,并考虑了这三起案件的影响,以及它们向下级法院和诉讼当事人发出的关于简易判决的正确方法的信号,特别是在涉及视频证据的民权案件中。
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引用次数: 0
Coercing Compliance with the ICC: Empirical Assessment and Theoretical Implications 强迫遵守国际商会:实证评估与理论意义
Pub Date : 2015-05-16 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2607099
Marco Bocchese
This article investigates the circumstances under which the threat of ICC prosecution has proved successful in deterring the commission or escalation of mass atrocities. Through a within-case analysis of the domestic situation of Cote d'Ivoire between 2004 and 2011, I find evidence that successful deterrence is a function of two main causal variables, namely the likelihood of arrest or punishment and the leaders' outlook on retaining power in the short-run. I argue that specific values on these variables combined to determine how the threat of ICC prosecution successfully deescalated violence in Cote d’Ivoire in the fall of 2004. This article challenges a set of assumptions widely employed by legal scholars in theorizing international deterrence, stresses the importance of bringing back the relational character of deterrence and concludes by advocating greater attention to the political conditions surrounding ICC operations.
本文调查了在何种情况下,国际刑事法院起诉的威胁被证明成功地阻止了大规模暴行的发生或升级。通过对2004年至2011年间科特迪瓦国内局势的个案分析,我发现证据表明,成功的威慑是两个主要因果变量的函数,即逮捕或惩罚的可能性以及领导人在短期内保留权力的前景。我认为,这些变量的具体值结合在一起,决定了国际刑事法院起诉的威胁如何成功地减少了2004年秋季科特迪瓦的暴力。本文挑战了法律学者在国际威慑理论化中广泛采用的一系列假设,强调了恢复威慑的关系特征的重要性,并主张更多地关注国际刑事法院运作周围的政治条件。
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引用次数: 2
Human Rights or the Rule of Law — The Choice for East Africa? 人权还是法治——东非的选择?
Pub Date : 2015-03-06 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2574823
C. Stern
The world over, what political cause is celebrated more than human rights? The rule of law, perhaps. These two noble and important objects of civil government — both valued as of inestimable worth these days — usually are complementary. Human rights are insecure without the rule of law to protect them, and what human right is more fundamental than the right to be treated in accordance with the law and not the whim of the mighty? Human rights and the rule of law seem to stand together. How then, when human rights and the rule of law stand opposed, and in circumstances where they most need each other’s mutual support and meet opposition enough from other forces?It is the thesis of this article that in East Africa human rights and the rule of law very likely stand opposed and cannot coexist. To be sure, some human rights can coexist with some notion of the rule of law in East Africa, as elsewhere. But for East Africa to play host to the full panoply of human rights as commonly supported by the international community and endorsed by East African nations themselves, and at the same time to play host to a rigorous practice of the rule of law, appears to be something that simply cannot be done.The argument of this article is straightforward. Part I describes the rule of law, its importance, and (briefly) its treatment in East Africa. Part II describes human rights, their two major divisions, and (briefly) their treatment in East Africa. Part III explains how the rule of law and human rights collide in East Africa. Part IV, the conclusion, suggests that this collision is the result of an extravagant Western imperialism that has helped deprive East Africa both of human rights and of the rule of law.
在世界范围内,有什么政治事业比人权更受欢迎?也许是法治。公民政府的这两个崇高而重要的目标- -这两个目标在当今都具有不可估量的价值- -通常是相辅相成的。没有法治的保护,人权是不安全的,还有什么人权比依法受到对待、不受强权摆布的权利更基本呢?人权和法治似乎是站在一起的。那么,在人权与法治对立的情况下,在人权与法治最需要相互支持的情况下,在遇到来自其他力量的足够多的反对的情况下,又该如何呢?本文的论点是,在东非,人权和法治很可能是对立的,不能共存。可以肯定的是,在东非和其他地方一样,一些人权可以与一些法治概念共存。但是,对东非来说,既要拥有国际社会普遍支持、东非国家自己也认可的全面人权,同时又要拥有严格的法治实践,这似乎是根本不可能做到的事情。这篇文章的论点很直截了当。第一部分描述了法治,它的重要性,以及(简要地)它在东非的处理。第二部分描述了人权、人权的两个主要部分,以及(简要地)人权在东非的待遇。第三部分解释了法治与人权在东非的冲突。第四部分是结论,指出这种冲突是奢侈的西方帝国主义造成的,这种帝国主义帮助剥夺了东非的人权和法治。
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引用次数: 1
What’s New in the Network Neutrality Debate 网络中立辩论的新动向
Pub Date : 2014-09-26 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2502122
R. Frieden
For over ten years, academics, practitioners, policy makers, consumers and other stakeholders have debated whether and how governments should regulate the Internet with an eye toward promoting accessibility, affordability and neutrality. This issue has triggered grave concerns about the Internet’s ability to continue generating substantial and widespread benefits. Advocates for various outcomes have vastly different assessments about many baseline subjects including the viability of sustainable competition and self-regulation. Consumers become agitated and confused by different framing of the issues, particularly when participants in the Internet ecosystem cannot reach closure on interconnection and compensation issues. Increasingly these disputes trigger temporary degradation in service leaving consumers unclear why they cannot view “must see” video content free of congestion.This paper will report on how the network neutrality/open Internet debate persists with an eye toward identifying new problems and opportunities for resolution. The paper concludes that developments in the Internet ecosystem will trigger more conflicts in the near term. Increasingly the Internet has become the primary broadband medium for information, communications and entertainment (“ICE”), including an ever increasing torrent of bit streams running from the Internet cloud downstream to individual subscribers served by “retail” Internet Service Providers (“ISP”) that install so-called first and last mile connections. Growing reliance on the Internet to deliver bandwidth intensive content to multiple screens has triggered more disputes on the technical way to interconnect networks as well as the financial compensation owed. How quickly parties can resolve their disputes will have a profound impact on whether governments need to intervene to ensure robust networks capable of accommodating ever increasing demand.
十多年来,学者、从业者、政策制定者、消费者和其他利益相关者一直在争论政府是否应该以及如何监管互联网,以促进可访问性、可负担性和中立性。这个问题引发了人们对互联网继续产生大量和广泛利益的能力的严重关切。各种结果的倡导者对包括可持续竞争和自我监管的可行性在内的许多基准主题有截然不同的评估。消费者对不同的问题框架感到不安和困惑,特别是当互联网生态系统的参与者无法在互连和补偿问题上达成一致时。这些纠纷越来越多地引发了服务的暂时下降,让消费者不明白为什么他们不能在没有拥塞的情况下观看“必看”视频内容。本文将报告网络中立性/开放互联网的争论如何持续,并着眼于确定新的问题和解决的机会。本文的结论是,互联网生态系统的发展将在短期内引发更多的冲突。互联网日益成为信息、通信和娱乐(“ICE”)的主要宽带媒介,包括从互联网云下游流向个人用户的不断增长的比特流,这些用户由“零售”互联网服务提供商(“ISP”)提供服务,这些服务提供商安装了所谓的第一英里和最后一英里连接。越来越多的人依赖互联网向多个屏幕传送带宽密集型内容,这引发了更多关于网络互联的技术方式以及所欠经济赔偿的争议。各方解决争端的速度有多快,将对政府是否需要进行干预,以确保强大的网络能够适应不断增长的需求产生深远影响。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Michigan State international law review
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