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Compliance of Two-Thirds Gender Principle: An Assessment of Kenya’s Judiciary 遵守三分之二性别原则:对肯尼亚司法机构的评估
Pub Date : 2021-02-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3785166
L. Kemboi
Article 27(8) requires the State to take legislative and other measures to implement the principle that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective or appointive bodies shall be of the same gender. Judiciary is one of the arms of the government is obligated to comply with the two-thirds gender principle. Kenya’s Judiciary is largely compliant with the two-thirds gender principle as outlined in Article 27(8) of the Constitution of Kenya. However, specific courts which include the Supreme Court and the Kadhis that remain not compliant with gender principle. The gender parity is at lower courts. Gender parity at higher courts and specialized courts is skewed more towards the male gender.
第27(8)条要求国家采取立法和其他措施,执行选举或任命机构的成员中不应超过三分之二为同一性别的原则。司法部门是政府的一个部门,有义务遵守三分之二性别原则。肯尼亚的司法机构基本上遵守《肯尼亚宪法》第27(8)条所概述的三分之二性别原则。但是,包括最高法院和最高法院在内的特定法院仍然不遵守性别原则。性别平等是在下级法院。高等法院和专门法院的性别平等更多地向男性倾斜。
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引用次数: 0
Signaling Value Through Gender Diversity: Evidence from Initial Coin Offerings 通过性别多样性传递价值:来自首次代币发行的证据
Pub Date : 2021-01-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3695558
Alexander Guzmán, Cristian A. Pinto-Gutiérrez, María-Andrea Trujillo
We analyze women’s participation and the effects of team gender diversity on initial coin offering (ICO) success measured by the total funding amount raised in the actual ICO and the project’s long-term survival. Using a database featuring 875 initial coin offerings between 2017 and 2019, we find that women are significantly under-represented in ICO projects (on average, only 13% of team members are women). However, for projects that do have participation of women, we find that team gender diversity increases the total funding raised in the ICO. Moreover, when we separate team members into areas of expertise or roles in the project, we find that the presence of women in critical positions, such as being a founder or having financial or legal responsibilities, significantly reduces the likelihood of long-term coin failure. Our results are consistent with the notion that investors perceive women’s participation in leadership positions as a positive signal of desirable organizational practices that will translate into better performance. Our results are also consistent with the idea that having women, who abide by ethical values and are less prone to fraud, reduces the likelihood that informationally opaque ICOs turn out to be scams.
我们分析了女性参与和团队性别多样性对首次代币发行(ICO)成功的影响,通过实际ICO中筹集的总资金金额和项目的长期生存来衡量。使用一个包含2017年至2019年875次首次代币发行的数据库,我们发现女性在ICO项目中的代表性明显不足(平均而言,只有13%的团队成员是女性)。然而,对于确实有女性参与的项目,我们发现团队性别多样性增加了ICO筹集的总资金。此外,当我们将团队成员划分为项目中的专业领域或角色时,我们发现女性在关键职位上的存在,例如作为创始人或承担财务或法律责任,显着降低了长期硬币失败的可能性。我们的结果与投资者认为女性参与领导职位是可取的组织实践的积极信号,这将转化为更好的业绩的观点是一致的。我们的研究结果也与以下观点一致:女性遵守道德价值观,不太容易发生欺诈行为,从而降低了信息不透明的ico成为骗局的可能性。
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引用次数: 5
Women Empowerment, Supply Chain Linkages and FDI: Evidence from Bangladesh 妇女赋权、供应链联系和外国直接投资:来自孟加拉国的证据
Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.18356/2076099X-27-3-8
A. Fernandes, H. Kee
This paper studies foreign direct investment spillovers on the gender-related labour market practice of domestic firms, based on a unique firm-to-firm data set of Bangladesh’s textiles and garment sectors. The paper looks at the female employment of domestic firms that are directly and indirectly related to foreign- owned firms through supply chain linkages. These domestic firms are either the local suppliers or customers of foreign-owned firms, or they share local suppliers and customers with foreign-owned firms. The estimates show that domestic firms related to foreign-owned firms have significantly more female administrative workers, but not necessarily more female non-administrative workers, owing to the former participating in more firm-to-firm interactions.
本文基于孟加拉国纺织和服装部门独特的企业间数据集,研究了外国直接投资对国内企业与性别相关的劳动力市场实践的溢出效应。本文考察了通过供应链联系与外资企业直接或间接相关的国内企业的女性就业情况。这些国内企业要么是外资企业的本地供应商或客户,要么与外资企业共享本地供应商和客户。估计表明,与外资企业有关的国内企业有更多的女性行政人员,但不一定有更多的女性非行政人员,因为前者更多地参与企业间的互动。
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引用次数: 2
HAK WARIS PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF SURAT AN-NISA’ ANTARA TEORI, PRAKTEK DAN RELEVANSINYA DALAM KONTEKS KE-INDONESIAAN (The Rights Of Women's Heritage In An-Nisa Letter's Perspective Between Theory, Practice And Relevance In The Context Of Indonesia) 从英文背景中她的理论、实践和相关性之间的相互关系来看,女性的继承权
Pub Date : 2020-06-27 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3636987
Warto Ahmad Saifuddin
Malay Abstract: Hukum waris sangat dibutuhkan untuk menghilangkan kemudharatan akibat perebutan dan ketidakadilan pembagian harta warisan. Hukum waris menawarkan solusi terbaik yang penuh hikmah dan keadilan. Namun solusi tersebut tidak sepenuhnya diterima dan dijalankan umat Islam. Kritikan dan pandangan keliru pun dilontarkan terhadap teks al-Quran. Terutama interpretasi tentang ketidaksamaan pembagian waris antara laki-laki dan perempuan yang dipahami sebagai ketidakadilan dan diskriminasi terhadap perempuan. Bertolak dari kenyataan ini penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji ayat-ayat waris secara komprehensif dan melibatkan banyak pandangan dari para ulama dan pakar Muslim. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan tafsir yang melibatkan kajian kebahasaan, sejarah, dan relevansinya dengan konteks kekinian didapati bahwa tidak sepenuhnya anggapan tentang diskriminasi itu benar. Bahkan menampakkan asumsi yang tidak tepat, karena dalam banyak kasus justru bagian perempuan lebih banyak dari bagian laki-laki.

English Abstract: Inheritance law is needed to eliminate damage caused by the struggle and injustice in the distribution of inheritance. Inheritance law offers the best solution that is full of wisdom and justice. But the solution is not fully accepted and implemented by Muslims. Criticism and wrong views were leveled against the text of the Koran. Especially the interpretation of the inequality of inheritance between men and women is understood as injustice and discrimination against women. Departing from this reality, this study aims to examine the verses of inheritance comprehensively and involve many views from Muslim scholars and experts. By using the interpretation approach which involves the study of language, history, and its relevance to the present context, it is found that the notion of discrimination is not entirely correct. In fact, the assumptions appear to be incorrect, because in many cases the share of women is more than that of men.
马来人遗产:对于消除争夺和不公正分配所造成的混乱,法律是必不可少的。继承法提供了智慧和正义的最佳解决方案。但这种解决方案并没有得到穆斯林的完全接受和实施。对可兰经文本进行了错误的批评和观点。特别是对男性和女性之间不平等分配的解释,这被理解为对女性的不公正和歧视。与此相反,本研究的目标是全面研究《遗产》文本,涉及穆斯林学者和学者的许多观点。通过采用涉及其语言、历史及其与性别相关的解释方法,发现根本不存在歧视的概念是正确的。甚至做出了错误的假设,因为在很多情况下,女性的比例比男性的高。英语抽象:法律的内在需要消除因内在的分布而存在的斗争和不公正而造成的损害。法律的内在作用是充满智慧和正义。但解决方案并不是完全被穆斯林接受并实施的。批评家和错误的观点与报纸的文本背道而驰。特别是对男人和女人之间内在不平等的定义是对不公正和歧视妇女的理解。从这个现实中,这个研究揭示了从穆斯林学者和学者那里获得的许多观点。通过对语言、历史和它与现在的背景相关的研究的解释,它发现纪律的概念并不是完全正确的。事实上,这种错误的呼吁是错误的,因为在许多情况下,女性的地位比男性更高。
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引用次数: 1
How Power Dresses: The Gendered Aesthetics of Uniform A Comparative Case Study of Contemporary Women Heads of State and/or Government in Australia, Indonesia, and the Philippines 权力如何着装:制服的性别美学——澳大利亚、印度尼西亚和菲律宾当代女性国家元首和/或政府首脑的比较案例研究
Pub Date : 2020-04-27 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3593805
M. Hughes
The clothed body, whether dressed thoughtfully or not, performs a social narrative of gender, wealth, status, nationality, and occupation embedded within a larger network of intersectional positionalities. Clothing conveys a set of values of not only the individual but also of the cultural politics of their milieu. For women Heads of State and/or Government, who are uniquely situated to project a diverse intersection of identities as well as access clothing choices socially unavailable to their male counterparts, a nuanced analysis of the garment choices of these professionals on the international stage yields significant findings about how women negotiate their roles as politicians, national figures, religious or areligious representatives, and as individuals. Three contemporary case studies of women Heads of State and/or Government in office between 2000 and 2013 from Australia, Indonesia, and the Philippines interrogate these strategic choices of clothing by holistically cataloging and then analyzing the style, color, and pattern of the attire of each figure. Contextualized within their respective cultures and histories, the ways in which their clothing serve to mimic masculine color coding as seen by Australia’s Prime Minister, re-entrench religion within politics as seen by Indonesia’s President, and ‘self-Orientalize’ the national, post-colonial identity as seen by the Philippine’s President, each woman’s clothing informed her leadership and vice versa. This thesis analyzes the complex negotiations between identity, power, and politics through clothing for women political leaders. How do women Heads of State and/or Government visually communicate national narratives of identity and express political authority through their aesthetic wardrobe choices? How do these clothes project inscriptions of femininity, modesty, religiosity, development, and the national self? Discovering these strategies can provide a foundation for future study of the occupational uniform of women in historically masculine roles as well as the power of the national body as represented by women to reflect but also perpetuate particular socially normative ideals of the modern empowered woman across cultures.
穿着衣服的身体,无论是否穿着得体,都在一个更大的交叉位置网络中表现出性别、财富、地位、国籍和职业的社会叙事。服装不仅传达了个人的价值观,也传达了他们所处环境的文化政治。对于女性国家元首和(或)政府首脑来说,她们处于独特的位置,可以展示不同的身份交叉点,并且可以获得男性同行在社会上无法获得的服装选择,对这些专业人士在国际舞台上的服装选择进行细致的分析,可以获得关于女性如何谈判其作为政治家,国家人物,宗教或宗教代表以及个人的角色的重要发现。本文对2000年至2013年间澳大利亚、印度尼西亚和菲律宾在任的女性国家元首和/或政府首脑进行了三个当代案例研究,通过对每个人物的服装风格、颜色和图案进行整体分类和分析,对这些服装的战略选择进行了质疑。在各自的文化和历史背景下,她们的服装模仿了澳大利亚总理所看到的男性色彩编码,印度尼西亚总统所看到的在政治中重新巩固宗教的方式,以及菲律宾总统所看到的“自我东方化”的国家,后殖民身份,每个女人的服装都传达了她的领导地位,反之亦然。本文通过女性政治领袖的服装来分析身份、权力和政治之间的复杂谈判。女性国家元首和(或)政府首脑如何在视觉上传达国家身份的叙述,并通过她们的审美服装选择表达政治权威?这些衣服是如何体现女性气质、谦逊、宗教信仰、发展和民族自我的?发现这些策略可以为未来研究女性在历史上扮演男性角色的职业制服以及女性所代表的国家机构的权力提供基础,以反映但也使跨文化的现代赋权女性的特定社会规范理想永久化。
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引用次数: 0
Getting Foothold in Politics 在政治上立足
Pub Date : 2018-05-21 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3182358
V. Patel
This is how the song sung for the first time by “Toiling Women’s Liberation Movement” members in the late seventies ended. It represented the gusto of a newly formed mass organisation of tribal women of Dhulia district (Vibhuti Patel, 1987). It became popular among the women’s groups not only in Maharashtra but also all over India. This song represented the new understanding of ‘politics’. Politics as not only electoral politics or membership of political parties, but as collective action of women against oppressive patriarchal power with a long term goal of social transformation that ensured women’s liberation from exploitation, degradation, injustice, subjugation and superstition, casteism and communalism.
这是70年代末“辛苦的妇女解放运动”成员们第一次唱的歌曲的结局。它代表了Dhulia地区部落妇女新成立的群众组织的热情(Vibhuti Patel, 1987)。它不仅在马哈拉施特拉邦,而且在印度各地的妇女团体中流行起来。这首歌代表了对“政治”的新理解。政治不仅是选举政治或政党成员资格,而且是妇女反对压迫性父权的集体行动,其长期目标是实现社会转型,确保妇女从剥削、退化、不公正、征服和迷信、种姓制度和社群主义中解放出来。
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