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THE ROLE OF OLIGARCHY IN LOCAL ELECTIONS FUNDING 寡头政治在地方选举资金中的作用
Pub Date : 2021-12-31 DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.17
L. Zuada, Yulizar Pramudika Tawil, M. Kafrawi
How do oligarchs finance local elections, and what motivates their involvement? This study aims to examine the involvement of oligarchs in funding elections campaigns in Central Sulawesi. The research design uses case studies. This study found that oligarchs were, directly and indirectly, involved in local election activities. They become part of candidates’ campaign teams, finance political activities, play a role in issuing parties’ recommendations, mobilise mass campaigns, pay political consultants, control public opinion, distribute social assistance and design political parties coalitions. The involvement of oligarchs in local election activities is motivated by their desire to promote political parties in Central Sulawesi and the interests of running a business. This orientation of growing political parties is more dominant in influencing oligarchs to be involved in local elections, rather than the orientation of maintaining their business continuity. This finding shows that there is a shift in the orientation of entrepreneurs in providing political support. From previously conducting such support secretly, now oligarchs are bolder to appear in public as administrators of political parties, success teams and supporting political financing.
寡头们是如何资助地方选举的,他们参与的动机又是什么?本研究旨在考察寡头参与资助苏拉威西中部的选举活动。研究设计采用案例研究。本研究发现,寡头直接或间接地参与了地方选举活动。他们成为候选人竞选团队的一部分,为政治活动提供资金,在发布政党建议、动员群众运动、支付政治顾问、控制公众舆论、分配社会援助和设计政党联盟方面发挥作用。寡头参与地方选举活动的动机是他们希望在苏拉威西中部推动政党发展,以及经营企业的利益。在影响寡头参与地方选举方面,发展中的政党的这种取向比维持其业务连续性的取向更具有主导作用。这一发现表明,企业家在提供政治支持方面的取向发生了转变。从以前秘密进行这种支持,现在寡头们更大胆地以政党管理者、成功团队和支持政治融资的身份出现在公众面前。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Democracy in Indonesia: From Stagnation to Regression? Edited by: Thomas Power and Eve Warburton 书评:印尼的民主:从停滞到倒退?编辑:托马斯·鲍尔和伊芙·沃伯顿
Pub Date : 2021-12-31 DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.14
Naimah S. Talib
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引用次数: 0
Transitional Justice in Southeast Asia 东南亚的过渡司法
Pub Date : 2021-12-31 DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.21
A. Nastiti
The issue of transitional justice has largely evaded the theoretical discussion on the democratization in Southeast Asian context despite the importance of coming to terms with the history of abuse and violence of the past authoritarian regimes. This article fills out this lacuna by incorporating the regional analysis of transitional justice process in several Southeast Asian countries to the larger and mainstream theories of transitional justices that are developed from other contexts. Using the case of transitional justice in Cambodia, East Timor, the Philippines, and Indonesia, this article found that the two most predominant accounts in the literature – the “balance of power” and the “justice cascade” theories – are inadequate to explain the conditions of emergence of the transitional justice and the kind of justice measure that the state would adopt. In turn, studies of empirical cases in these four Southeast Asian countries shed light on three plausible factors previously overlooked in the literatures: a) the distinctive, locally based, notion of justice; b) the frame and narrative of legitimacy of past violence; and c) the degree of complicity and entrenchment of current ruling elites in the past conflict.
尽管认识到过去专制政权的虐待和暴力历史的重要性,但过渡正义问题在很大程度上回避了东南亚背景下民主化的理论讨论。本文通过将几个东南亚国家对过渡时期司法过程的区域分析与其他背景下发展起来的更大的主流过渡时期司法理论相结合,填补了这一空白。本文以柬埔寨、东帝汶、菲律宾和印度尼西亚的过渡时期司法为例,发现文献中最主要的两种解释——“权力平衡”理论和“司法级联”理论——不足以解释过渡时期司法产生的条件和国家将采取的司法措施。反过来,对这四个东南亚国家的实证案例的研究揭示了以前在文献中被忽视的三个看似合理的因素:a)独特的、基于当地的正义观念;B)过去暴力的合法性框架和叙事;c)当前统治精英在过去冲突中的共谋程度和固守的程度。
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引用次数: 0
The Urgency to Prevent Illicit Political Party Fundraising Through the Anti-Money Laundering Regime in Indonesia 通过印尼反洗钱制度防止政党非法集资的紧迫性
Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.8
Nathalina Naibaho, Patricia Rinwigati, A. Ghozi
An election is a democratic process, which is both costly and cumbersome for anyone who wishes to participate. Existing practices, precisely in Indonesia, show that both political parties as well as candidates often need to raise funds to finance their campaign and/or their programs, as well as to ensure the sustainability of their political parties. The Indonesian law states various financial resources in which a political party can raise. Nevertheless, it does not set the limitations and restrictions, particularly on ways to identify and monitor where funds come from. Hence, there has been a fear that political parties may use this loophole to conduct money laundering. It is argued that while the money laundry regime can be used to prevent conspicuous practices related to political financing, a legal framework has yet to be designed and implemented.
选举是一个民主进程,对任何希望参加的人来说,这一进程既昂贵又繁琐。印尼的现行做法表明,政党和候选人经常需要筹集资金,以资助他们的竞选活动和/或他们的计划,并确保其政党的可持续性。印尼法律规定了政党可以筹集的各种财政资源。然而,它没有规定限制和限制,特别是在确定和监测资金来源的方式方面。因此,有人担心政党会利用这一漏洞进行洗钱活动。有人认为,虽然洗钱制度可以用来防止与政治融资有关的明显做法,但尚未设计和实施法律框架。
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引用次数: 1
Conceptualizing Party Financing Legislation in Malaysia: Between Normative and Reality 马来西亚政党融资立法的概念化:在规范与现实之间
Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.54490/APJED.V1I01.9
A. Tayeb, Dineskumar Ragu
How political parties finance their operations is not well regulated in Malaysia. There is no specific law that oversees the myriad ways political parties raise funds and to what purpose they are used. This stands in contrast to neighboring Indonesia and the Philippines, where there are laws that regulate party financing. As a result, corruption in the name of political donations is rampant in Malaysia, the infamous one being the 1MDB scandal that presently ensnares the former Prime Minister, Najib Razak. However, absence of a law that regulates party financing and the inability of the current government to enact one does not mean that Malaysia should sideline the importance of keeping political parties in line with democratic norms. In this article we argue for a normative party financing model based on five criteria if Malaysia is to promulgate a legislation to regulate political parties’ finances. We suggest the proposed legislation should incorporate reporting mechanism that enforces transparency and accountability; level playing field that allows common people and smaller parties to have a stronger voice in politics; reducing patronage politics; easing ethnoreligious tensions; and establishing clear separation between business and politics. We interviewed numerous party representatives, academics, and Election Commission official to solicit their inputs on the substance and viability of this proposed party funding legislation based on the abovementioned five criteria. The article ends with a set of recommendations on the ways to move forward with this proposed legislation or its iterations, both at the federal and state levels.
在马来西亚,政党如何为其运作融资并没有得到很好的监管。没有具体的法律来监管政党筹集资金的各种方式以及这些资金的用途。这与邻国印度尼西亚和菲律宾形成了鲜明对比,这两个国家都有规范政党融资的法律。然而,缺乏规范政党融资的法律,现任政府也没有能力制定这样的法律,并不意味着马来西亚应该忽视保持政党符合民主规范的重要性。在本文中,如果马来西亚要颁布立法来规范政党财务,我们将根据五个标准提出一个规范的政党融资模式。我们建议拟议的立法应纳入加强透明度和问责制的报告机制;公平的竞争环境,让普通民众和小党派在政治中有更大的发言权;减少庇护政治;缓和民族宗教紧张关系;并明确区分商业和政治。我们采访了许多政党代表、学者和选举委员会官员,征求他们对基于上述五个标准的拟议政党资金立法的实质和可行性的意见。文章最后就如何在联邦和州两级推进这一拟议的立法或其迭代提出了一系列建议。
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引用次数: 1
Political Financing and It’s Impact on The Quality of Democracy in Southeast Asia 政治融资及其对东南亚民主质量的影响
Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.54490/APJED.V1I01.5
D. Simandjuntak
Across the region, it is generally assumed that funding for parties and campaigns derives from sources such as membership fees, voluntary work by members and/or financial contributions by wealthy individual and interest groups. Yet what are the similarities and differences among the regimes and practices of political financing the region, and how do we understand the quality of democracy by looking at their political financing? Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Myanmar have had their elections in the past three years. The article gives an overview of the countries’ political financing regimes and/or practices to identify common denominators as well as draw linkage between political financing sources and democratic quality.
在整个地区,人们普遍认为政党和竞选活动的资金来源包括会员费、成员的志愿工作和/或富裕个人和利益集团的财政捐款。然而,该地区政治融资的制度和实践之间有什么异同,我们如何通过观察他们的政治融资来理解民主的质量?马来西亚、印度尼西亚、泰国和缅甸在过去三年举行了选举。本文概述了各国的政治融资制度和/或做法,以确定共同点,并在政治融资来源与民主质量之间建立联系。
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引用次数: 1
A Disproportionately Unequal Playing Field: Challenges To and Prospect For Campaign Finance Law and Policy in The Philippines 一个不成比例的不平等竞争环境:菲律宾竞选财务法律和政策的挑战和前景
Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.54490/APJED.V1I01.10
Patrícia Miranda
In the Philippines, the influence of money poses a challenge to political participation and representation of socially excluded, lesser-known, and historically underfunded candidates. Marginalized people and sectoral groups have to cope with discrimination alongside hurdling additional barriers of limited access to economic resources and rising campaign costs. Using Carol Bacchi’s “what is the problem represented to be?” (WPR) approach, this paper primarily interrogates how equal access to opportunities for public service is defined and represented in Philippine campaign finance law and policy. The approach also offers a conceptual framework that helps surface what remains ‘unproblematized’ by existing policy discussions and narratives. This paper contends that challenges to electoral integrity, accountability, and transparency in campaign finance are not solely due to ineffective implementation and enforcement. The WPR approach enables us to reflect on how existing policy interventions or responses to what the law identifies as problematic can also entrench elite power and replicate uneven power dynamics evident in Philippine society. Thus, for campaign finance laws to promote, rather than block, political participation and representation, additional attention must be given to the assumptions, policy gaps, and silences that give rise to anti-competitive, corrupt, and disempowering practices and norms. The resulting analysis may prove useful for outlining avenues for future law reform and policy advocacy efforts, but invite the imagining of alternative and inclusive proposals to ensure that the ability to run for public office rests on merit and ability, rather than access to financial influence and resources.
在菲律宾,金钱的影响对政治参与和被社会排斥、知名度较低、历史上资金不足的候选人的代表构成了挑战。边缘化人群和部门群体必须应对歧视,同时还要克服获得经济资源的机会有限和活动成本上升等额外障碍。借用卡罗尔·巴奇的“问题代表了什么?”(WPR)方法,本文主要探讨菲律宾竞选财务法律和政策如何定义和体现公共服务机会的平等。这种方法还提供了一个概念框架,有助于揭示现有政策讨论和叙述中仍然“没有问题”的问题。本文认为,对选举诚信、问责制和竞选资金透明度的挑战不仅仅是由于无效的实施和执法。WPR方法使我们能够反思现有的政策干预或对法律确定为问题的反应如何也可以巩固精英权力并复制菲律宾社会中明显的不平衡权力动态。因此,竞选财务法要促进而不是阻碍政治参与和代表权,就必须进一步关注导致反竞争、腐败和剥夺权力的做法和规范的假设、政策空白和沉默。由此产生的分析可能有助于概述未来法律改革和政策宣传工作的途径,但也会促使人们设想替代性和包容性的建议,以确保竞选公职的能力取决于功绩和能力,而不是获得财务影响和资源。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
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