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Flisfeder, M. (2021). Algorithmic Desire: Toward a New Structuralist Theory of Social Media. Northwestern University Press. Flisfeder, M.(2021)。算法欲望:走向社交媒体的新结构主义理论。西北大学出版社。
Pub Date : 2021-09-12 DOI: 10.5617/jea.9001
Lukas Mozdeika
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引用次数: 0
Guilty Until Proven Guilty 在被证明有罪之前有罪
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.5617/jea.8797
Shiv Narayan
The journey to understand technological and digital policing requires a re-engagement with the most basic and widely used technology – paper-based registers for preventive policing. In the name of preventive policing, people from ex-untouchable castes, indigenous populations, and immigrants (in the city) are put under surveillance and recorded in registers. In the process, they earn criminal records for petty crimes, but also for no crimes at all. The registers enable a very ‘visible’ surveillance, where the ‘suspects’ are watched, followed and asked to come for mandatory attendance at the stations. Keeping in mind the segregated nature of the urban landscapes of cities in India, this is only possible for people who belong to certain strata of society and who do not have the privilege of escaping the prying eyes of the police. Researchers have argued that this form of policing is anti-poor or anti-marginalised. However, in this article, I argue that this form of preventive policing is better understood as being anti-caste. I demonstrate how police manuals, including guidelines for police record keeping and surveillance practices, reproduce and imitate the caste based social structure of India by using legacy practices from some still operational and some defunct laws. The paper-based registers maintain an illusion of objectivity – while the police can simply claim to be obeying the manuals. However, by enabling the recording of only those able to be visibly surveilled, those arrested for petty crimes, or those unable to escape the criminal justice system because of lack of money or social support or both, the paper-based registers become a vehicle of policing caste. By marking those thus recorded as habitual offenders, these registers propagate the caste-based understanding that defines crime as an inherent/hereditary trait of the lower castes. Prediction becomes nothing more than a self-fulfilling prophecy.
理解技术和数字警务的过程需要重新接触最基本和最广泛使用的技术——预防性警务的纸质登记册。在预防性警务的名义下,来自前贱民种姓、土著居民和移民(在城市)的人被置于监视之下,并记录在登记册中。在这个过程中,他们会因轻微犯罪而被记录在案,但也可能根本没有犯罪。这些登记簿实现了一种非常“可见”的监视,“嫌疑人”被监视、跟踪,并被要求强制性地到派出所报到。请记住印度城市景观的隔离性质,这只适用于属于某些社会阶层的人,他们没有特权逃脱警察的窥探。研究人员认为,这种形式的治安是反穷人或反边缘化的。然而,在这篇文章中,我认为这种形式的预防性警务最好被理解为反种姓。我展示了警察手册,包括警察记录保存和监视实践的指导方针,如何通过使用一些仍然有效的法律和一些已经失效的法律的传统做法,复制和模仿印度基于种姓的社会结构。纸质登记簿给人一种客观的错觉,而警察可以简单地声称自己是在遵守手册。然而,由于只能记录那些能够被明显监视的人,那些因轻微犯罪而被捕的人,或者那些由于缺乏资金或社会支持或两者兼而有之而无法逃脱刑事司法系统的人,纸质登记册成为了维持种姓制度的工具。通过将那些被记录为惯犯的人标记为惯犯,这些登记处传播了基于种姓的理解,将犯罪定义为较低种姓的固有/遗传特征。预测变成了一种自我实现的预言。
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引用次数: 1
Anarchist Criminology 无政府主义犯罪学
Pub Date : 2021-08-13 DOI: 10.4324/9780203118283-110
Václav Walach, Mark Seis, S. Vysotsky
Anarchist criminology is not a new approach to the critical study of harm, crime, and criminalization, but it has been largely overlooked and gained serious impetus only in recent years. This interview features two scholars who have been at the forefront of this development. Mark Seis co-edited the volumes Contemporary Anarchist Criminology (Nocella, Seis and Shantz 2018) and Classic Writings in Anarchist Criminology (Nocella, Seis, and Shantz 2020), which bring together some of the key texts that utilize anarchist theorizing to challenge the status quo, both in society and in criminology. Stanislav Vysotsky has recently published his book American Antifa (Vysotsky 2021), where he explores, inter alia, militant antifascism as informal policing. The interview emerged somewhat unconventionally. Stanislav was interviewed first on March 22, 2021. The resulting transcript was edited and sent to Mark who was unable to join the online meeting due to technical difficulties. I received his answers on May 24. The following is a slightly shortened and edited version of the interview.
无政府主义犯罪学并不是一种对伤害、犯罪和定罪进行批判性研究的新方法,但它在很大程度上被忽视了,只是在最近几年才获得了真正的推动力。这次采访的两位学者一直处于这一发展的前沿。马克·赛斯合编的卷当代无政府主义犯罪学(诺塞拉,赛斯和尚兹2018)和无政府主义犯罪学经典著作(诺塞拉,赛斯和尚兹2020),其中汇集了一些利用无政府主义的理论挑战现状的关键文本,无论是在社会和犯罪学。斯坦尼斯拉夫·维索茨基(Stanislav Vysotsky)最近出版了他的著作《美国反法西斯》(American Antifa, Vysotsky 2021),他在书中特别探讨了作为非正式警务的激进反法西斯主义。采访的方式有些不同寻常。斯坦尼斯拉夫于2021年3月22日首次接受采访。最终的文字记录被编辑并发送给Mark,由于技术困难,他无法参加在线会议。我在5月24日收到了他的回复。以下是采访内容的略微缩短和编辑版。
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引用次数: 0
Assessing Creditworthiness in the Age of Big Data 大数据时代的信用评估
Pub Date : 2021-06-20 DOI: 10.5617/jea.8315
P. Hohnen, M. Ulfstjerne, Mathias Sosnowski Krabbe
The purpose of this article is twofold: first, we show how algorithms have become increasingly central to financial credit scoring; second, we draw on this to further develop the anthropological study of algorithmic governance. As such, we describe the literature on credit scoring and then discuss ethnographic examples from two regulatory and commercial contexts: the US and Denmark. From these empirical cases, we carve out main developments of algorithmic governance in credit scoring and elucidate social and cultural logics behind algorithmic governance tools. Our analytical framework builds on critical algorithm studies and anthropological studies where money and payment infrastructures are viewed as embedded in their specific cultural contexts (Bloch and Parry 1989; Maurer 2015). The comparative analysis shows how algorithmic credit scoring takes different forms hence raising different issues in the two cases. Danish banks seem to have developed a system of intensive, yet hidden credit scoring based on surveillance and harvesting of behavioural data, which, however, due to GDPR takes place in restricted silos. Credit scores are hidden to customers, and therefore there has been virtually no public debate regarding the algorithmic models behind scores.  In the US, fewer legal restrictions on data trading combined with both widespread and visible credit scoring has led to the development of a credit data market and widespread use of credit scoring by ‘affiliation’ on the one hand, but also to increasing public and political critique on scoring models on the other.
本文的目的有两个:首先,我们展示了算法如何在金融信用评分中变得越来越重要;其次,我们借鉴这一点,进一步发展算法治理的人类学研究。因此,我们描述了关于信用评分的文献,然后讨论了两个监管和商业背景下的人种学例子:美国和丹麦。从这些实证案例中,我们勾勒出了信用评分中算法治理的主要发展,并阐明了算法治理工具背后的社会和文化逻辑。我们的分析框架建立在关键算法研究和人类学研究的基础上,在这些研究中,货币和支付基础设施被视为嵌入其特定的文化背景中(Bloch and Parry 1989;毛雷尔2015)。通过对比分析可以看出,算法信用评分在两种情况下采用了不同的形式,从而引发了不同的问题。丹麦的银行似乎已经开发出了一套基于监控和收集行为数据的密集但隐藏的信用评分系统,然而,由于GDPR的限制,这些系统是在受限的孤岛中进行的。信用评分对客户来说是隐藏的,因此几乎没有关于评分背后的算法模型的公开辩论。在美国,对数据交易的法律限制较少,加上广泛可见的信用评分,一方面导致了信用数据市场的发展,并通过“隶属关系”广泛使用信用评分,但另一方面也增加了对评分模型的公众和政治批评。
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引用次数: 4
Can Computers Automate Welfare? 计算机能实现福利自动化吗?
Pub Date : 2021-06-20 DOI: 10.5617/jea.8231
K. Larsson, Marit Haldar
Information-driven automated systems that deliver services proactively to citizens in need are heralded as the next level of digital government. There is, however, concern that such systems make welfare services less accessible to some citizens. This study uses the case of Norway’s child benefit system to discuss the general obstacles to having welfare policies implemented by proactive digital systems. Norway’s automated child benefit system uses data from Norway’s national resident register to award this benefit to eligible parents whom the system identifies. As such, it is representative of many government systems that use registry data to perform tasks previously done by caseworkers. While the eligibility rules for child benefits are simple, and the register has sufficient data to automate most cases, many parents are not awarded the benefit automatically. This article argues that when developing automated digital services, public administrators are faced with a trilemma. Ideally, proactive automation should be (1) precise in its delivery, (2) inclusive of all citizens, and (3) still support welfare-oriented policies that are independent of the requirements of the digital system. However, limitations with each requirement prevent all three from being realized at the same time. Only two can be simultaneously realized: a public administrator must decide which of them to forego. Consequently, automated services cannot meet all the expectations of policymakers regarding the benefits of digital government. Instead, governments need to find ways of utilizing the benefits of public digitalisation without infringing on citizens’ right to be treated equally and fairly by the government.
主动向有需要的公民提供服务的信息驱动的自动化系统被誉为数字政府的下一个层次。然而,有人担心,这种制度使一些公民更难获得福利服务。本研究以挪威的儿童福利制度为例,讨论了积极主动的数字系统实施福利政策的一般障碍。挪威的自动儿童福利系统使用挪威国家居民登记册中的数据,向系统确定的符合条件的父母颁发这种福利。因此,它是许多政府系统的代表,这些系统使用登记数据来执行以前由社会工作者完成的任务。虽然儿童福利的资格规则很简单,而且登记处有足够的数据来自动处理大多数案件,但许多父母并没有自动获得福利。本文认为,在开发自动化数字服务时,公共管理人员面临着三难困境。理想情况下,主动自动化应该(1)精确地交付,(2)包括所有公民,以及(3)仍然支持独立于数字系统要求的福利导向政策。然而,每个需求的局限性使这三个需求无法同时实现。只有两个可以同时实现:公共行政官必须决定放弃哪一个。因此,自动化服务无法满足政策制定者对数字政府好处的所有期望。相反,政府需要找到方法,在不侵犯公民被政府平等和公平对待的权利的情况下,利用公共数字化的好处。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Myth of the Crime Decline by Justin Kotzé 书评:《犯罪率下降的神话》,作者:Justin kotz<s:1>
Pub Date : 2020-12-19 DOI: 10.5617/jea.8325
Anthony
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引用次数: 0
Paradoxes of (In)security and Moral Regeneration in Vanuatu and Beyond 瓦努阿图及其他地区安全与道德再生的悖论
Pub Date : 2020-06-05 DOI: 10.5617/jea.7395
T. Bratrud
This article examines some paradoxical intersections of fear, security, and morality on Ahamb Island in Vanuatu in the South Pacific. I take as my ethnographic vantage point a child-led Christian revival movement that developed in the wake of enduring political conflicts on Ahamb during my fieldwork in 2014. The revival began as a process of moral renewal and turned into a security measure protecting the island against sorcerers found to be responsible for many of the island society’s problems. In the article, I make comparisons between the situation on Ahamb and the recent political and cultural crisis in the UK and USA where an increasing number of people perceive their moral order to be under threat. In both contexts, new charismatic actors of governance emerge and gain a following by identifying an ‘other’ as responsible for the crisis while convincingly presenting themselves as the solution. An important reason for these actors’ appeal, I argue, is that they appear to take people’s concerns seriously in a way that established authorities do not. However, in both Vanuatu, the UK, and the USA there is a paradox in how the actors present themselves as holding the solution to people’s insecurities while at the same time shaping the context for their emergence.
这篇文章考察了南太平洋瓦努阿图的阿哈姆岛上的恐惧、安全和道德的一些矛盾的交叉点。2014年,在我的田野调查中,一场以儿童为主导的基督教复兴运动在持续的亚哈罕政治冲突之后发展起来,我把它作为我的民族志优势。复兴开始于一个道德更新的过程,并转变为一种安全措施,保护该岛免受巫师的侵害,这些巫师被认为是岛上许多社会问题的罪魁祸首。在这篇文章中,我将Ahamb的情况与英国和美国最近的政治和文化危机进行了比较,在英国和美国,越来越多的人认为他们的道德秩序受到威胁。在这两种情况下,新的有魅力的治理参与者都出现了,并通过确定一个“他者”对危机负责,同时令人信服地将自己呈现为解决方案,从而获得了追随者。我认为,这些演员受欢迎的一个重要原因是,他们似乎认真对待人们的担忧,而权威人士却没有。然而,在瓦努阿图、英国和美国,行动者如何将自己呈现为解决人们不安全感的解决方案,同时塑造他们出现的背景,这是一个悖论。
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引用次数: 1
The Good City 好城市
Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.5617/jea.7359
Stine Ilum
In between 2016 and 2017, a number of terrorist attacks took place in public spaces in cities across Europe. Consequently, numerous concrete blocks were placed in the streets of Copenhagen in order to prevent similar attacks made with vehicles towards people in the public space. For the Municipality of Copenhagen, this became the first step in a long process of dealing with the question of how to secure the city’s public spaces. Literature on security points to a worldwide increase in security measures, often legitimized by way of moral discourses of protecting democratic values and saving lives. This article provides an example of a counter movement where a public institution does not perform according to this premise. The article argues that employees at the Municipality of Copenhagen mobilize moral discourses and values associated with liberal democracy and the welfare state in order to minimize the presence of security measures in the public space. To the municipal employees the concrete blocks made Copenhagen’s public spaces express negative moral values such as hostility and fear. Therefore, they initiated what I will call an ethical work of transformation by shaping the materiality of the concrete blocks into security measures more in line with the moral values they associated with the public space and the good city. By following the ethical work of transformation done on counterterrorism measures, the article shows how moral values and materiality can be intertwined. Adding this material dimension to literature on morality and ethics, sheds new light on discussions of security and morality.
2016年至2017年期间,欧洲各城市公共场所发生了多起恐怖袭击事件。因此,在哥本哈根的街道上放置了许多混凝土块,以防止车辆对公共空间中的人进行类似的攻击。对于哥本哈根市政府来说,这是处理如何确保城市公共空间安全的漫长过程中的第一步。有关安全的文献指出,世界范围内安全措施的增加,往往通过保护民主价值观和拯救生命的道德话语使其合法化。本文提供了一个反运动的例子,其中一个公共机构不按照这一前提行事。文章认为,哥本哈根市政府的雇员动员与自由民主和福利国家有关的道德话语和价值观,以尽量减少公共空间中安全措施的存在。对于市政雇员来说,混凝土砌块使哥本哈根的公共空间表达出敌意和恐惧等消极的道德价值观。因此,他们发起了一项我称之为道德转型的工作,通过将混凝土块的物质性塑造成更符合他们与公共空间和美好城市相关的道德价值观的安全措施。通过对反恐措施的伦理改造,本文展示了道德价值和物质性是如何交织在一起的。在有关道德和伦理的文献中加入这一物质维度,为安全与道德的讨论提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 3
The Long Walk 漫漫长路
Pub Date : 2020-03-29 DOI: 10.5617/jea.7856
P. Nayar
The Covid-19 pandemic has made a commonplace of the carceral imaginary. Isolation, social distancing, quarantine have become watchwords. Physician instructions, epidemiologist advice, state orders jostle alongside memes and jokes about being under ‘lockdown’, barricaded-in and homebound across the world. An immobility regime dominates now with cancelled airline, bus and train services. Yet, the same regime has generated an extreme mobility in nations like India, particularly in cities like New Delhi....
2019冠状病毒病大流行已使人们对癌症的想象司空见惯。隔离、保持社交距离、隔离已成为口号。医生的指示、流行病学家的建议、政府的命令,以及关于世界各地被“封锁”、封锁和居家的表情包和笑话,都挤在一起。现在,航空公司、公共汽车和火车服务被取消,交通不动的制度占据了主导地位。然而,同样的制度在印度等国家产生了极端的流动性,特别是在新德里这样的城市....
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引用次数: 10
The Burden of Security 安全责任
Pub Date : 2020-03-08 DOI: 10.5617/jea.7526
V. Lazzaretti
After the Babri mosque in the northern Indian city of Ayodhya was destroyed in 1992 by mobs of ‘volunteers’ mobilised by Hindu nationalist forces, a deed of license between the Uttar Pradesh Sunni Central Waqf Board and the Uttar Pradesh state government was signed. Through this license a portion of land in the Gyan Vapi mosque premises in Banaras (Varanasi) was handed over to the state for security purposes. The Gyan Vapi mosque is less than fifty meters from the Kashi Vishvanath temple, a notable Hindu pilgrimage destination. Although at the centre of security issues for centuries, the mosque has been a target of the Hindu nationalist movement that since the 1980s has aimed at the ‘liberation’ of allegedly originally Hindu places of worship. By analysing the evolution of security discourses in local Hindi newspapers and drawing on ethnography of everyday policing at the Kashi Vishvanath-Gyan Vapi compound, this article discusses moral frictions involved in securing a contested place of worship and argues that scopes and objects of securitisation can shift. In the case I discuss, the predominately Hindu police are shown to play an ambiguous role, caught as they are between their duty to secure the disputed mosque and their likely adherence to the increasingly dominant Hindu nationalist discourse. In overcoming these moral frictions, police through their everyday activity contribute to the shift of the object of securitisation from the mosque to the more ‘acceptable’ temple.
1992年,印度北部城市阿约提亚的巴布里清真寺被印度教民族主义力量动员的“志愿者”暴徒摧毁后,北方邦逊尼派中央Waqf委员会和北方邦政府签署了一份许可证。通过该许可证,巴纳拉斯(瓦拉纳西)Gyan Vapi清真寺房地的一部分土地移交给国家用于安全目的。Gyan Vapi清真寺距离著名的印度教朝圣地Kashi Vishvanath寺庙不到50米。尽管几个世纪以来一直是安全问题的中心,但自20世纪80年代以来,这座清真寺一直是印度教民族主义运动的目标,该运动旨在“解放”据称最初是印度教的礼拜场所。通过分析当地印地语报纸上安全话语的演变,并借鉴Kashi Vishvanath-Gyan Vapi大院日常警务的民族志,本文讨论了保护有争议的礼拜场所所涉及的道德摩擦,并认为证券化的范围和对象可以改变。在我所讨论的案例中,以印度教徒为主的警察扮演了一个模棱两可的角色,因为他们在保护有争议的清真寺的职责和他们可能坚持日益占主导地位的印度教民族主义话语之间陷入困境。在克服这些道德摩擦的过程中,警察通过他们的日常活动有助于将证券化的对象从清真寺转移到更“可接受”的寺庙。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Extreme Anthropology
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