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American Institute for Economic Research: Sound Money Project Working Paper Series最新文献

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Status Functions, Speech Acts, and the Emergence of Money 地位功能、言语行为与金钱的出现
J. Caton
In order for emergence to actually have significance for a specifically human social ontology requires a commitment on the part of participants that they submit to a status function implied or enabled by emergent phenomena such that participants could, if required, explicitly recognize the meaning of the status attribution in terms the deontic powers that it generates. In so doing, individuals recognize themselves and others as members of a community submitted to the meaning of the status function. Defined in this way, we can identify Tony Lawson's notion of emergence in Searlean terms. Emergence entails the generation of states and processes in a system that when recognized by actors, endows them with rights, duties, and obligations. In the case of Mengerian evolution of money, a status function is adopted once members within a given exchange network recognize that a particular commodity or other good has become generally accepted among network participants. This occurs by practice of exchange between members. We show how Searle has provides precedent for this interpretation of status functions through his elaboration of speech acts and declarations.
为了让突现对人类社会本体论具有真正的意义需要参与者承诺他们服从由突现现象所暗示或激活的地位功能,这样参与者就可以,如果需要,明确地认识到地位归因的意义即它所产生的道义力量。在这样做的过程中,个人认识到自己和他人是服从于地位功能意义的共同体的成员。这样定义的话,我们就可以用Searlean的术语来定义Tony Lawson的涌现概念。涌现意味着在一个系统中产生状态和进程,当行为体承认这些状态和进程时,就赋予它们权利、责任和义务。在孟格尔的货币演化中,一旦给定交换网络中的成员认识到特定商品或其他商品已被网络参与者普遍接受,就采用地位函数。这是通过成员之间的交换来实现的。我们展示了Searle如何通过他对言语行为和声明的阐述为这种状态功能的解释提供了先例。
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引用次数: 0
Why Did Inflation Targeting Fail in Argentina? 为什么阿根廷的通胀目标制失败了?
N. Cachanosky, Federico Julián Ferrelli Mazza
Argentina’s experience with inflation targeting lasted only 26 months. In this paper, we study the reason why this regime failed in Argentina and the economic context of its implementation. We find that the main reason was an internal inconsistency in how inflation targeting was implemented, and that said inconsistency was accelerated by a negative credibility shock in December 2017. While other events, such as external shocks, also played a role, they are not enough to explain the shortcomings of the inflation targeting experience in Argentina.
阿根廷的通胀目标制只持续了26个月。在本文中,我们研究了这一制度在阿根廷失败的原因及其实施的经济背景。我们发现,主要原因是通胀目标实施方式的内部不一致,而2017年12月的负面可信度冲击加剧了这种不一致。尽管外部冲击等其他事件也发挥了作用,但它们不足以解释阿根廷通胀目标制经验的缺陷。
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引用次数: 10
Finance for All: The Success of the Market-Led Approach to Financial Development in the Developing World 《人人享有金融:发展中国家以市场为主导的金融发展方法的成功
Scott Burns
Economists have long argued that inclusive and well-developed financial systems play a critical role in fostering economic growth and development. However, the question of what is the best means of achieving financial development has long remained a puzzle in the development finance literature. In this paper, I show that some of the greatest examples of financial development in modern times have not come from countries that have pursued a more top-down or state-led approach to financial development, which has been the dominant mode of promoting financial inclusion and development in the postwar era. Instead, they’ve come from countries that have taken a bottom-up or market-oriented approach. This hands-off approach has succeeded because it gives entrepreneurs the ability to utilize their knowledge of their local economy to discover innovative ways to access financially excluded segments of the population. Perhaps the greatest modern day example of market-led financial development is the mobile money revolution that has swept across Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) over the past decade. In this paper, I argue that the key predictor of whether a country will reap the benefits of these transformative innovations is whether its government embraces a hands off, or “enabling,” regulatory environment that promotes entrepreneurship and experimentation.
经济学家长期以来一直认为,包容性和发达的金融体系在促进经济增长和发展方面发挥着关键作用。然而,什么是实现金融发展的最佳手段这一问题长期以来一直是发展金融文献中的一个难题。在本文中,我指出,现代金融发展的一些最伟大的例子并非来自那些追求自上而下或国家主导的金融发展方式的国家,而这种方式一直是战后促进金融普惠和发展的主要模式。相反,它们来自采取自下而上或以市场为导向的方法的国家。这种不干涉的做法取得了成功,因为它使企业家能够利用他们对当地经济的了解,发现创新的方法,接触到经济上被排斥的人群。也许市场主导的金融发展的现代最伟大的例子是过去十年席卷撒哈拉以南非洲(SSA)的移动货币革命。在本文中,我认为,一个国家能否从这些变革性创新中获益的关键预测因素是,该国政府是否支持一种不干涉的、或“扶持性”的、促进创业和实验的监管环境。
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引用次数: 1
Banking Regulation and Knowledge Problems 银行监管与知识问题
Thomas L. Hogan, G. Manish
The Federal Reserve regulates U.S. commercial banks using a system of risk-based capital (RBC) regulations based on the Basel Accords. Unfortunately, the Fed’s mis-rating of several assets such as mortgage-backed securities encouraged the build-up of these assets in the banking system and was a major contributing factor to the 2008 financial crisis. The Basel system of RBC regulation is a prime example of a Hayekian knowledge problem. The contextual, tacit, and subjective knowledge required to properly assess asset risk cannot be aggregated and utilized by regulators. An effective system of banking regulation must acknowledge man’s limited knowledge and place greater value on individual decisions than on top-down planning.
美联储使用基于巴塞尔协议的风险资本(RBC)监管体系来监管美国商业银行。不幸的是,美联储对抵押贷款支持证券(mbs)等几种资产的错误评级,鼓励了这些资产在银行体系中的积累,是2008年金融危机的一个主要促成因素。加拿大皇家银行的巴塞尔监管体系是哈耶克式知识问题的一个典型例子。适当评估资产风险所需的背景知识、隐性知识和主观知识不能被监管机构汇总和利用。一个有效的银行监管体系必须承认人的知识有限,并更重视个人决策,而不是自上而下的计划。
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引用次数: 5
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American Institute for Economic Research: Sound Money Project Working Paper Series
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