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From the “Right to Have Rights” to the “Critique of Humanitarian Reason” 从“拥有权利的权利”到“人道主义理性批判”
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691167251.003.0006
S. Benhabib
This chapter explores Jacques Rancière's trenchant critique of Hannah Arendt, after briefly recalling Arendt's discussion of the right to have rights. It shows how Rancière not only misreads Arendt, but much of what he defends as the necessary enactment of rights is quite compatible with an Arendtian understanding of political agency. The chapter then turns to the quandaries of “humanitarian reason,” in Didier Fassin's felicitous phrase. To address them, the chapter calls for a new conceptualization of the relationship between international law and emancipatory politics; a new way of understanding how to negotiate the facticity and the validity of the law, including international humanitarian law, such as to create new vistas for the political.
在简要回顾阿伦特关于拥有权利的权利的讨论之后,本章探讨了雅克·朗西特对汉娜·阿伦特的尖锐批判。这表明,朗西特不仅误读了阿伦特,而且他所捍卫的许多权利的必要制定与阿伦特对政治代理的理解是相当一致的。然后,这一章转向“人道主义理性”的困境,用迪迪埃·法辛(Didier Fassin)的话来说,这是一个贴切的短语。为了解决这些问题,本章要求对国际法与解放政治之间的关系进行新的概念化;一种理解如何谈判法律的真实性和有效性的新方式,包括国际人道主义法,例如为政治创造新的前景。
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引用次数: 4
Equality and Difference 平等与差异
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0002
S. Benhabib
This chapter explains how in the German—Jewish encounter with political modernity, the contradictory presuppositions constitutive of every nation-state are revealed. Now that the weaknesses of the Westphalian state-system are becoming increasingly apparent, whereas the alternative institutions that ought to transcend this system are still remote, scholars can identify some of these paradoxes more vividly. The dignity of equal citizenship for all and the sovereignty claims of the nation are the dual sources of legitimacy in the modern nation-state, and the tensions among them have accompanied and enframed the people's political experiences since the bourgeois democratic revolutions of the eighteenth century. The chapter shows how Jewish political and legal thinkers of the twentieth century have grappled with both dimensions of this paradox.
本章解释了在德国犹太人与政治现代性的相遇中,构成每个民族国家的矛盾前提是如何被揭示出来的。既然威斯特伐利亚国家体系的弱点越来越明显,而应该超越这一体系的替代制度仍然遥远,学者们可以更生动地识别出其中的一些悖论。人人享有平等公民权的尊严和国家的主权要求是现代民族国家合法性的双重来源,它们之间的紧张关系自18世纪资产阶级民主革命以来一直伴随着并笼罩着人民的政治经验。本章展示了二十世纪的犹太政治和法律思想家是如何应对这一悖论的两个维度的。
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引用次数: 0
Ethics without Normativity and Politics without Historicity 没有规范性的伦理和没有历史性的政治
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0005
S. Benhabib
This chapter talks about how the announcement that Judith Butler was awarded the Adorno Prize of the city of Frankfurt led to an intense controversy that engulfed officials of the German-Jewish and Israeli communities, members of academia, journalists, and public intellectuals. At issue was whether, given her support of the Israel Global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement (BDS), Butler should have been honored in the name of a Jewish-German refugee and one of the revered founders of the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School. Nonetheless, Butler's achievement is to retrieve ethical imperatives toward a vision of cohabitation by reviving Jewish memories of exile and persecution, in that she reexamines long-forgotten distinctions between cultural and political Zionism.
本章将讨论朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)获得法兰克福市阿多诺奖(Adorno Prize)的消息是如何引发了一场激烈的争议,这场争议席卷了德国犹太人和以色列社区的官员、学术界成员、记者和公共知识分子。争论的焦点是,鉴于她对以色列全球抵制、撤资和制裁运动(BDS)的支持,巴特勒是否应该以犹太-德国难民和受人尊敬的法兰克福学派批判理论创始人之一的名义获得荣誉。尽管如此,巴特勒的成就是通过唤醒犹太人对流放和迫害的记忆,重新审视了长期被遗忘的文化和政治犹太复国主义之间的区别,从而为同居的愿景找回了伦理责任。
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引用次数: 0
Whose Trial? Adolf Eichmann’s or Hannah Arendt’s? 谁的审判?阿道夫·艾希曼还是汉娜·阿伦特?
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0004
S. Benhabib
This chapter explores Hannah Arendt's 1963 volume on Eichmann in Jerusalem. A Report on the Banality of Evil. Based on her coverage of the trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem from April 11 to December 15, 1961, this tangled controversy cast a long shadow on Arendt's otherwise illustrious career as a public intellectual and academic. The chapter shows that, although she was and continues to be severely attacked by the Jewish community, ironically this book is Arendt's most intensely Jewish work, in which some of the deepest paradoxes of retaining a Jewish identity under conditions of modernity came to the fore in her search for the moral, political, and jurisprudential bases on which the trial and sentencing of Adolf Eichmann could take place.
本章探讨汉娜·阿伦特1963年关于艾希曼在耶路撒冷的书。一份关于邪恶平庸的报告。阿道夫·艾希曼(Adolf Eichmann) 1961年4月11日至12月15日在耶路撒冷受审的报道,给阿伦特作为公共知识分子和学者的辉煌生涯投下了漫长的阴影。这一章表明,尽管阿伦特曾经并将继续受到犹太社区的严厉攻击,但具有讽刺意味的是,这本书是阿伦特最强烈的犹太作品,在现代性条件下保持犹太人身份的一些最深刻的悖论,在她对阿道夫·艾希曼的审判和判决可能发生的道德、政治和法律基础的探索中显现出来。
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引用次数: 0
Exile and Social Science 流亡与社会科学
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0008
S. Benhabib
This chapter focuses on how Albert Hirschman presented that the image of the economy as a fully competitive system where changes in the fortunes of individual firms are exclusively caused by basic shifts of comparative advantage is certainly an inaccurate representation of the real world. In associations such as the family, the state, and religious, civic, and professional institutions, loyalty dominates and often trumps exit in favor of voice. “Exit” means leaving behind a product, a service, a firm, or a country to seek others, whereas “voice” refers to the choice to seek influence and have a say in determining the future quality of products or institutions. The chapter shows how Hirschman knew about exit, the search for voice, and the conflicts of loyalties first-hand through his eventful life and travels.
本章重点讨论阿尔伯特•赫希曼是如何提出这样一种观点的:经济是一个完全竞争的体系,在这个体系中,单个企业命运的变化完全由比较优势的基本转移引起,这显然是对现实世界的不准确表述。在诸如家庭、国家、宗教、公民和专业机构之类的团体中,忠诚占主导地位,而且往往比退出更有利于发言权。“退出”是指抛弃某种产品、一项服务、一家企业或一个国家,寻求其他产品或服务;“发声”是指寻求影响力的选择,并在决定产品或机构的未来质量方面拥有发言权。这一章展示了赫希曼是如何通过他多事的生活和旅行来了解退出、寻找声音和忠诚的冲突的。
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引用次数: 0
Legalism and Its Paradoxes in Judith Shklar’s Work 朱迪斯·施克拉作品中的律法主义及其悖论
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691167251.003.0007
S. Benhabib
This chapter begins by analyzing Judith Shklar's early book, Legalism. An Essay on Law, Morals and Politics, in which she distinguishes among aspects of legalism as ideology, as creative policy, and as an ethos of the law. Shklar was unable to explain how these various dimensions of legalism could be reconciled plausibly with one another. Furthermore, while her critique of criminal international law is being revived today in the name of a certain skepticism toward institutions of international law, this critique needs to be balanced against her full-throated defense of the legitimacy of the Nuremberg trials. The final part of this chapter presents the complicated relationship of law and politics in Hannah Arendt's and Shklar's works.
本章首先分析朱迪思·施克拉的早期著作《法家主义》。《论法律、道德和政治》一书中,她区分了法家主义作为意识形态、创造性政策和法律精神的各个方面。Shklar无法解释法家主义的这些不同维度如何能够合理地相互协调。此外,尽管她对刑事国际法的批评如今正以对国际法机构的某种怀疑的名义复兴,但这种批评需要与她对纽伦堡审判合法性的全力辩护相平衡。本章的最后部分是对汉娜·阿伦特和施克拉尔作品中法律与政治的复杂关系的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Intertwined Lives and Themes among Jewish Exiles 犹太流亡者交织的生活和主题
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691167251.003.0001
S. Benhabib
This introductory chapter outlines the entanglement of Jewish intellectuals and others as they confronted exile, migration, and, in some cases, statelessness. These intellectuals include Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, Albert Hirschmann, Varian Fry, Judith Shklar, Carl J. Friedrich, and Isaiah Berlin. They faced these challenges because of their Jewish origins, regardless of whether they themselves identified as Jewish, whether they were believers, or whether they were practicing Jews or not. Meanwhile, the chapter considers that for German Jews, the experience of belonging and not belonging, of being rendered migrants and internal exiles in their own country, began in the mid-nineteenth century, with the granting of certain civil rights to Jews residing in German territories. Lastly, the chapter presents a brief layout of the succeeding chapters' content.
这一导论章概述了犹太知识分子和其他人在面对流亡、移民和某些情况下的无国籍状态时的纠缠。这些知识分子包括汉娜·阿伦特、瓦尔特·本雅明、阿尔伯特·赫希曼、瓦里安·弗莱、朱迪思·施克拉、卡尔·j·弗里德里希和以赛亚·伯林。他们面临这些挑战是因为他们的犹太血统,不管他们自己是否是犹太人,他们是否是信徒,或者他们是否信仰犹太教。与此同时,这一章认为,对于德国犹太人来说,归属和不归属的经历,在自己的国家成为移民和内部流亡者的经历,始于19世纪中叶,当时居住在德国领土上的犹太人获得了某些公民权利。最后,本章对后续各章的内容作了简要的布局。
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引用次数: 0
The Elusiveness of the Particular 特殊的难以捉摸
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691167251.003.0003
S. Benhabib
This chapter examines the subterranean affinities between Hannah Arendt and Theodor Adorno, two of the most famous exiles of the last century, through the so-called “Benjaminian moment” present in their work. It is widely known that any consideration of Arendt and Adorno as thinkers who share intellectual affinities is likely to be thwarted by the profound dislike that Arendt seems to harbor toward Adorno. However, such psychological attitudes and personal animosities cannot guide the evaluations of a thinker's work. This is particularly true in the case of Arendt and Adorno, who both shared a profound sense that one must learn to think anew, beyond the traditional schools of philosophy and methodology—a concept that will be referred to as their Benjaminian moment.
本章考察了汉娜·阿伦特和西奥多·阿多诺这两位上世纪最著名的流亡者之间的隐秘联系,通过他们作品中出现的所谓“本杰明时刻”。众所周知,任何将阿伦特和阿多诺视为智力相近的思想家的想法,都可能被阿多诺对阿多诺的深刻厌恶所挫败。然而,这种心理态度和个人仇恨不能指导对思想家作品的评价。在阿伦特和阿多诺的例子中尤其如此,他们都有一种深刻的感觉,即一个人必须学会重新思考,超越传统的哲学和方法论流派——这一概念将被称为他们的本杰明时刻。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion 结论
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/princeton/9780691167251.003.0010
S. Benhabib
This concluding chapter discusses how the increasing socioeconomic inequality in the last twenty years has resulted in a negative redistribution of wealth from the bottom to the top. Along with the erosion of socioeconomic equality, political equality and reciprocal respect has also eroded. The fragmentation resulting from the rise of the new social media as well as the spread of some of the more insular forms of identity politics have done serious damage to the cultivation of enlarged mentality among the citizens and to their capacity and willingness to take the standpoint of the others. However, the chapter shows that such fragmentation is not wholly negative, in that it has also given rise to “counter-publics” by oppositional groups that had not enjoyed their own public voices and media.
最后一章讨论了过去二十年中日益加剧的社会经济不平等是如何导致财富从底层向顶层的负再分配的。随着社会经济平等受到侵蚀,政治平等和相互尊重也受到侵蚀。新社交媒体的兴起带来的碎片化,以及一些较为狭隘的身份政治形式的传播,严重损害了公民开阔心态的培养,损害了他们站在他人立场上的能力和意愿。然而,本章表明,这种分裂并非完全是消极的,因为它也引起了反对派团体的“反公众”,这些团体没有自己的公众声音和媒体。
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引用次数: 0
Isaiah Berlin
Pub Date : 2018-09-11 DOI: 10.23943/PRINCETON/9780691167251.003.0009
S. Benhabib
This chapter analyzes Isaiah Berlin's work, stating that the relationship of liberalism to Berlin's value pluralism remains fraught, as does the question whether value pluralism can avoid relativism. Notably, Judith Shklar and Berlin admired each other and shared a skeptical temperament as well as a dedication to the study of the history of ideas as the indispensable method of pursuing political philosophy in their time. Neither shared Hannah Arendt's conviction that the legacy of failed revolutions could only be countered by the activist civic republicanism of self-governing communities. The chapter also contextualizes the varying views of Berlin's work and persona through the prism of Max Weber's doctrine of value pluralism.
本章分析了以赛亚·伯林的著作,指出自由主义与伯林的价值多元主义的关系仍然令人担忧,价值多元主义能否避免相对主义的问题也是如此。值得注意的是,朱迪思·施克拉尔和柏林彼此欣赏,他们都有怀疑的气质,也都致力于研究思想史,认为这是他们那个时代追求政治哲学不可或缺的方法。两人都不认同汉娜·阿伦特的信念,即失败革命的遗产只能由自治社区的激进公民共和主义来对抗。本章还通过马克斯·韦伯的价值多元主义学说的棱镜,将柏林的工作和人物的不同观点置于背景中。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Exile, Statelessness, and Migration
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