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Women Get the Job Done: Differences in Constituent Communication from Female and Male Lawmakers 女性完成工作:女性和男性立法者在选民沟通方面的差异
Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000259
Nichole M. Bauer, Ivy A. M. Cargile
This article advances and tests an original theory of a “feminine homestyle” to explain how female legislators develop relationships with constituents that both mitigate the potential for gendered biases and fulfill the communal goals that motivate women to run for political office. We use an original audit study that tests legislator responsiveness to direct email communication. We show that female lawmakers are more responsive to constituent communication and more likely to display compassion and empathy in responses compared with male legislators; but we also find important differences in women’s responsiveness across the race and ethnicity. Further, we find that responsive female lawmakers can change the behaviors of their male counterparts by creating stronger norms of responsiveness within legislative institutions. Our findings have important downstream implications for democratic accountability among voters and illustrate how female lawmakers substantively represent through direct communication with constituents.
本文提出并检验了“女性家庭风格”的原始理论,以解释女性立法者如何发展与选民的关系,既减轻了性别偏见的可能性,又实现了激励女性竞选政治职位的共同目标。我们使用原始审计研究来测试立法者对直接电子邮件沟通的反应。研究表明,与男性立法者相比,女性立法者对选民沟通更敏感,更有可能在回应中表现出同情和同理心;但我们也发现,不同种族和民族的女性在反应能力方面存在重要差异。此外,我们发现响应性的女性立法者可以通过在立法机构内建立更强的响应性规范来改变男性同行的行为。我们的研究结果对选民的民主问责制具有重要的下游意义,并说明了女性立法者如何通过与选民的直接沟通实质性地代表。
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引用次数: 0
Women’s Paths to Power: Female Presidents and Prime Ministers, 1960–2020. By Evren Çelik Wiltse and Lisa Hager. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2021. 303 pp. $95.00 (cloth), ISBN: 9781626379282; $28.50 (paper). ISBN: 9781626379305. 《女性的权力之路:1960-2020年的女总统和女总理》作者:Evren Çelik Wiltse和Lisa Hager。博尔德,科罗拉多州:Lynne Rienner, 2021。303页,$95.00(布),ISBN: 9781626379282;28.50美元(纸)。ISBN: 9781626379305。
Pub Date : 2023-05-24 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000028
J. Hellwege
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引用次数: 0
Women, Media, and Elections: Representation and Marginalization in British Politics. By Emily Harmer. Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2021. 212 pp. $139.95 (cloth). ISBN: 9781529204940. 妇女、媒体与选举:英国政治中的代表性与边缘化。艾米丽·哈默著。布里斯托尔:布里斯托大学出版社,2021。212页,139.95美元(布)。ISBN: 9781529204940。
Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000235
Blair Williams
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引用次数: 0
Hostile Sexism and Abortion Attitudes in Contemporary American Public Opinion 当代美国舆论中的敌对性别歧视和堕胎态度
Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000260
A. Cizmar, Kerem Ozan Kalkan
Abortion is a divisive issue in American politics. Studies analyzing attitudes toward abortion have found that abortion attitudes are relatively stable over time compared with attitudes on other issues and that religiosity and partisanship are key factors influencing abortion attitudes. Recent research has also found a role for benevolent sexism in abortion attitudes. This article expands on the literature and examines the role of hostile sexism—dislike toward women who are seen as usurping men’s authority—in attitudes about abortion in the United States. Using data from the 2012, 2016, and 2020 American National Election Studies, we find that hostile sexism is significantly related to abortion attitudes, even after controlling for theoretically relevant covariates such as partisanship, ideology, religiosity, and sociodemographic variables. As hostile sexism increases, people are more likely to express pro-life attitudes rather than pro-choice attitudes.
堕胎在美国政治中是一个引起分歧的问题。对堕胎态度的分析研究发现,随着时间的推移,与对其他问题的态度相比,对堕胎的态度相对稳定,宗教信仰和党派是影响堕胎态度的关键因素。最近的研究还发现,善意的性别歧视在堕胎态度中发挥了作用。这篇文章在文献的基础上进行了扩展,并研究了敌对的性别歧视——对被视为篡夺男性权威的女性的厌恶——在美国对堕胎的态度中所起的作用。利用2012年、2016年和2020年美国全国选举研究的数据,我们发现,即使在控制了党派、意识形态、宗教信仰和社会人口变量等理论相关的共变量之后,敌意性别歧视与堕胎态度也显著相关。随着敌意性别歧视的增加,人们更有可能表达反堕胎的态度,而不是支持堕胎的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Citizen Hostility against Women Political Leaders: A Survey Experiment in the United States and Sweden 解释公民对女性政治领袖的敌意:美国和瑞典的一项调查实验
Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000144
Sandra Håkansson
We know that women politicians are harassed by constituents to a greater extent than men, but we know less about why this difference exists. This study tests potential drivers of hostility against women politicans using an original survey experiment with 7,500 respondents in the United States and Sweden. First, I test whether constituents hold more lenient attitudes toward hostility directed at women than men, which would make hostility in messages targeting women representatives more likely. Second, I test whether constituents prefer to direct their complaints to women, which would increase the risk of hostility by generating a higher number of angry contacts. Results from both countries show a preference for directing complaints to women representatives over men, but no evidence of more leniency toward hostility directed at women.
我们知道女性政客受到选民骚扰的程度比男性更大,但我们对这种差异存在的原因知之甚少。这项研究通过对美国和瑞典的7500名受访者进行的原始调查实验,测试了对女性政治家的敌意的潜在驱动因素。首先,我测试了选民对针对女性的敌意是否比男性更宽容,这会使针对女性代表的敌意信息更有可能出现。其次,我测试选民是否更喜欢直接向女性抱怨,因为这会产生更多愤怒的联系,从而增加敌意的风险。两国的调查结果都显示,人们更倾向于向女性代表投诉,而不是男性,但没有证据表明,人们对针对女性的敌意更宽容。
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引用次数: 2
Wronged and Dangerous: Viral Masculinity and the Populist Pandemic. By Karen Lee Ashcraft. Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2022. 264 pp. $149.95 (cloth), ISBN: 9781529221398; $19.99 (paper), ISBN: 9781529221404. 被冤枉和危险:病毒式的男子气概和民粹主义的流行。Karen Lee Ashcraft著。布里斯托尔:布里斯托大学出版社,2022。264页,149.95美元(布面),ISBN: 9781529221398;19.99美元(纸质版),ISBN: 9781529221404。
Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000223
Gefjon Off
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引用次数: 2
Beating the Odds: Women’s Leadership in International Organizations 战胜困难:妇女在国际组织中的领导作用
Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000107
Despite gains at lower levels, women have made limited inroads into leadership roles in international organizations. Using a novel data set of both nominees and selected heads of 129 international organizations, we uncover several empirical patterns. Women’s representation at the highest levels remains far below parity but has been improving steadily since the 1990s. One caveat is that this improvement has only occurred in a subset of institutions, which suggests a concentration of women leaders. Based on the available data, we examine whether the appointment of a woman leader impacts equality in the institution’s overall staffing profile. We find that such changes occur only once there is a history of appointing women. We also look at the nominations process and find that when women are included in the nominee pool, they tend to be selected, although often they are absent. Our analysis contributes much-needed data to the broader literature on leadership in international organizations and introduces a new data set with a range of other potential applications.
尽管在较低级别取得了进展,但妇女在国际组织中担任领导职务的进展有限。利用129个国际组织的提名和选定负责人的新数据集,我们发现了几个经验模式。女性在最高级别的代表比例仍远低于男女平等,但自上世纪90年代以来一直在稳步改善。需要注意的是,这种改善只发生在一小部分机构中,这表明女性领导人集中在一起。根据现有数据,我们研究了任命女性领导是否会影响机构整体人员配置中的平等。我们发现这样的变化只会发生在任命女性的历史中。我们还研究了提名过程,发现当女性被提名时,她们往往会被选中,尽管她们经常缺席。我们的分析为有关国际组织领导力的更广泛的文献提供了急需的数据,并引入了具有一系列其他潜在应用的新数据集。
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引用次数: 0
Making Women Visible: How Gender Quotas Shape Global Attitudes toward Women in Politics 让女性可见:性别配额如何塑造全球对女性参政的态度
Pub Date : 2023-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000089
Jessica Kim, K. Fallon
Since the 1990s, gender quotas have been celebrated for improving women’s equality. Yet their cross-national and longitudinal impact on attitudes toward female politicians and the mechanism through which this process occurs are not well understood. Using multilevel modeling on 87 nations, we examine how different types of quotas, with varied features and levels of strength, shape beliefs about women in politics. We give particular attention to the mechanism of visibility created by quotas in impacting attitudes. Results suggest that unlike quotas with features facilitating low visibility (i.e., weak quotas), those producing high visibility (i.e., robust quotas) significantly impact public approval of women in politics. However, the direction of this effect varies by quota type. Social context also matters. Robust quota effects—both positive and negative—are especially pronounced in democracies but are insignificant in nondemocracies. Limited differences by gender (men versus women) emerge. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.
自上世纪90年代以来,性别配额一直因改善女性平等而备受赞誉。然而,它们对女性政治家态度的跨国和纵向影响以及这一过程发生的机制尚未得到很好的理解。通过对87个国家的多层次建模,我们研究了不同类型的、具有不同特征和实力水平的配额是如何塑造人们对女性参政的看法的。我们特别关注影响态度的配额所产生的可见性机制。结果表明,与具有低能见度特征的配额(即弱配额)不同,那些产生高能见度的配额(即强劲配额)显著影响公众对女性参政的认可。但是,这种影响的方向因配额类型而异。社会背景也很重要。强有力的配额效应——无论是积极的还是消极的——在民主国家尤为明显,但在非民主国家则微不足道。性别差异有限(男性与女性)。讨论了理论和政策影响。
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引用次数: 1
Reevaluating the Contingent “Yes”: Essays on “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women?” – ERRATUM 重新评价偶然的“是”:关于“黑人应该代表黑人,女性应该代表女性吗?”——勘误
Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000211
M. Miura
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引用次数: 0
Telling the Tale: Black Women Politicians and Their Use of Experiential Rhetoric 讲述故事:黑人女性政治家及其经验修辞的运用
Pub Date : 2023-03-24 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000077
Andrene Z. Wright
Stereotypical assumptions about minority candidates serving those who identify most closely with their own identity have led to heightened scrutiny of women and Black candidates’ language. Using race-gendered language on the campaign trail can undermine a candidate’s viability, as skepticism of racial and gendered language is rooted in the belief that minority candidates may be “too narrow” in their concerns. Against this backdrop, this article explores the campaign rhetoric of three mayors: Keisha Lance Bottoms of Atlanta, Lori Lightfoot of Chicago, and Muriel Bowser of Washington, DC. Analyzing 62 mayoral debates using NVivo, I find that Black women candidates leverage their lived experiences, rooted in their racial and gendered identity, more than their race and gendered counterparts when advocating for their policy preferences. This work produces key insights into identity and campaign rhetoric utilized by Black women politicians.
关于少数族裔候选人服务于那些最认同自己身份的人的刻板假设,导致了对女性和黑人候选人语言的严格审查。在竞选活动中使用种族性别化的语言可能会破坏候选人的生存能力,因为对种族和性别化语言的怀疑植根于这样一种信念,即少数族裔候选人的关注点可能“过于狭隘”。在此背景下,本文探讨了三位市长的竞选言论:亚特兰大的Keisha Lance Bottoms,芝加哥的Lori Lightfoot和华盛顿特区的Muriel Bowser。我使用NVivo分析了62场市长辩论,发现黑人女性候选人在倡导自己的政策偏好时,更多地利用了植根于种族和性别认同的生活经历,而不是种族和性别对手。这项工作对黑人女性政治家使用的身份和竞选修辞产生了关键的见解。
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Politics & Gender
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